In the West, this is just a compromise of Brezhnev's speech to reach an understanding with the hardliners. In fact, they were not wrong. Brezhnev, who had just been in power for less than a year, was indeed a weak first secretary. The largest group among the members of the Central Presidium is Kosykin's government department member, the veteran Suslov, Podgorne's disciple Sherest, and the rest are the Brezhnev duo who controls party affairs, and the double-Shei combination with supervision rights.

But the West was wrong about this process. Brezhnev was very cautious when he was at a disadvantage. Facing the Communist Youth League cadres who occupied a leading position in various departments and the powerful Kosykin group, he played a more adhesive role. What Brezhnev said most now is unity, unity, and until victory.

After the award was completed, Brezhnev also communicated with Selov specifically and expressed his willingness to improve the treatment of the KGB, but was rejected by Selov. "As a law enforcement agency, I don't think that everyone has no desires and no desires as Shurik said. I do not object to enhancing the authority of the KGB General Administration-level cadres, but if the overall authority is enhanced, it is not a good thing for our department. The members of the National Security Commission and the People's Committee of the Internal Affairs have combined to be close to two million. Once the authority of the KGB is improved, it may have an impact on local cadres."

"Yura, you are right, I am indeed a little lacking in consideration. At present, we need to deepen reforms and fully tap the potential we should have achieved in our country. In this way, all departments will cooperate closely together." Brezhnev did not stick to his own opinions, and he was very cautious in some policies. He would not do it like Khrushchev, who thought it was good and then talk about it.

In fact, Brezhnev was a cautious reformist, provided that there was no problem with the reform. In his history, he had always supported Kosykin's reforms in the first few years of his career. However, after the liberal tendency of Czechoslovakia emerged, Brezhnev saw the consequences, and his cautious style regained the dominance, which made Kosykin's reforms increasingly difficult to continue, and finally stopped the reforms silently.

The failure of Kosigin's reform has a lot to do with the accident in Czechoslovakia. Now, Selov can say without hesitation that the potential of Iraq, Indonesia and Sudan is enough to allow the Soviet Union to tap for a few years. There is no need to worry about severe social changes. If the potential of these countries is fully tapped, the Soviet Union's economy will definitely develop faster than in history, because the total scale of the Soviet Union's economic system has increased, so there is naturally more choice.

The only shortcoming of the Soviet Union, Selov, believed that it was how to play. People's pursuit of material life was limited, but their pursuit of spiritual life was infinite. This was precisely the weakness of the Soviet Union. As a socialist country, the Soviet Union had long been strongly intervened in the field of people's cultural life. The emphasis on positive energy led to the lack of cultural products. When the Soviet people began to come into contact with the colorful and vibrant cultural products of the West, they yearned for the free life of the West and doubted socialism itself.

In Selov's view, the cultural disadvantages of the Soviet Union were weaker than agriculture that was restricted by nature because of its cold zone. To be fair, the Soviet Union made great efforts in this regard, such as cultural palaces, cinemas, squares, and leisure facilities, which are almost standard, but they are not comparable to the United States. It is difficult to learn well, but it is easy to learn badly. The culture of good and bad is much more attractive than the socialist education advocated by the Soviet Ministry of Culture.

In order to reverse the situation in this regard, Selov finally placed his hope on the white left in Western Europe. Only when these people who had a moral explosion implemented policies that were more unrealistic than the Soviet Union could the Soviet Union have the opportunity to reverse the current situation. For example, the Soviet Union advocated equality between men and women, and the KGB found ways to find feminists to disgust the Soviets in Western Europe. Western Europe advocated diversity, and the KGB helped Western Europe build a bridge for immigration. The Socialist Party of the Second International in Western Europe said that it was more socialist, so the KGB formulated high welfare policies and built momentum through channels.

"The Iraqi Communist Party delegation is coming soon. This time, by incorporating Iraq into our trading system, we can set a nail in the Middle East. We have not completely cut off the Eurasian continent, but it is almost done. We just need to wait for an opportunity to accomplish this." Selov said without any concealment, "I think we can win, and the final winner must be us."

"Of course, we will definitely defeat the United States." Brezhnev agreed very seriously. From the beginning of Iraq's entry into the Soviet system, geographically speaking, the Soviet Union and the United States have entered a real 55-5 situation. Even if the Soviet Union lost Indonesia now, it will still be the case. If the entire Eurasian land channel was under the influence of the Soviet Union, the impact could not be described in a few words, "We unite to defeat the United States."

The Soviet Union is a country of more than 20 million square kilometers, spanning the entire Eurasian continent. If the Soviet Union is very strong, then this geographical environment is a huge advantage, because the Soviet Union can radiate its influence. If the Soviet Union is very weak, it will be a huge disaster, because the enemy can invade from all directions at any time. The Soviet Union is simply really strong. Taking advantage of this geographical advantage, the situation between the United States and the Soviet Union is exactly the opposite. The United States can retreat to the Americas if it is weak, but it is very difficult to forcibly blockade the Soviet Union.

After the end of World War II, the Soviet Union had never intended to fight against the United States head-on, because the Soviet Union knew that it was not an opponent of the United States, and even Stalin could not change this, so the Soviet Union withdrew from Iran after World War II and gave up the Greek revolution. At that time, the Soviet Union's strategy was to catch up economically, maintain a balance with the United States in some areas, while maintaining an advantage in Europe. Overall, it adopted a continental denial strategy against the United States: therefore, the military strength of Soviet tank artillery, balance of power in aerospace and nuclear weapons, and the navy's defensive. The Soviet Red Navy actually mainly adopted a barrier-water strategy to seek protection of its ballistic missile nuclear submarines. They had no aircraft carriers for a long time and had never thought of fighting the US fleet on the ocean. This was all determined by the Soviet Union's own actual strength.

This does not mean that the Soviet Union will not do anything. It has always recognized that the United States is the world hegemon. When the Soviet Union thinks that its strength is already acceptable, taking the initiative to attack is an inevitable choice, especially when the United States is in a state of sorrow.

Brezhnev is now facing a problem with the United States. As a very practical person, Brezhnev doesn’t want to talk about internationalism. At this time, taking the opportunity to give Americans a few blows is the best choice. According to Selov’s words, smile with a good wind and you are paralyzed against the wind.

A month after Brezhnev returned to Moscow, the first secretary of the Iraqi Communist Party, Hussein Alladi, visited Moscow. He attached great importance to this new allied country, Brezhnev, Serepin and Kosigin. Brezhnev and Serepin both saw great improvements in strategy, and Kosigin paid more attention to Iraq's rich oil resources and a population of tens of millions. Similar to Syria and Iraq, although the natural conditions are not the best, they are much stronger than Egypt. Both countries have the necessary conditions for industrialization, and the arable land and water sources are not too bad, which is much easier than supporting Saudi Arabia with only oil.

Hussein Alladi was welcomed by hundreds of thousands of people in Moscow as soon as he arrived in Moscow. All the members of the Central Presidium of the Soviet Union held a grand banquet in the Kremlin to express their support for the new Iraqi ruler.

"President Sherepin and I, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Kosikin, believe that Iraq will definitely become a democratic and prosperous Iraq under the leadership of Comrade Hussein Alladi. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the people of the Soviet Union will become the best friends and solid backing of the Iraqi people." Brezhnev said in his speech welcoming Hussein Alladi.

Hussein Alladi was very grateful to Brezhnev's speech, saying that Iraq would be the most reliable ally of the Soviet Union and that the relationship between the two countries could not be broken by any external force. The entire Kremlin applause made Hussein Alladi very excited. The Iraqi Communist Party finally became the ruling party of a country, which made him, the first secretary who had gone through hard years, feel very touched.

Subsequently, Brezhnev and Hussein Alladi signed a treaty on behalf of the Soviet Union and Iraq. The two parties signed a treaty on the Sui-Iranian Friendship Alliance. Sherepin said he would help Iraq to build the legal system. Kosigin signed an aid plan to Iraq as the chairman of the Council of Soviet Ministers, to build Iraq's oil industry, as well as hydropower, light industry and animal husbandry, involving an amount of 1 billion rubles. The next day, Pravda officially published an article, highly rated the treaty on the Sui-Iranian Friendship Alliance, saying that this was a great victory for the Soviet Union and a brand new Iraq appeared in the Middle East since then.

"This is obviously my victory! Why didn't Meshatsev mention me?" Shelov muttered with a good feeling, reaching out to the side to experience softness and whispered, "Wife, get up, get up and pee."

"What are you peeing? I pee in your mouth, I want to sleep..." Valia turned over and pressed her husband's hand under her, closed her eyes and said, "If you like touching it so much, don't pull it back."
Chapter completed!