Chapter 19
Ideology distinguishes the inside and outside, determines their attitudes and principles of conduct for both internal and external. First of all, clarify the internal ones, whose regime is? Is it the regime of all people, or a certain part of people, a certain family, or a certain person, this is the source of the legitimacy of the regime. Recognizing the destiny of heaven, the emperor is the herdsman on behalf of heaven, and the legitimacy comes from heaven, which is a regime of one person. If you do not recognize the destiny of heaven, it is the public world or the private world, and the private world is divided into one person's world or the eternal sacrifice of one surname.
"The emperor has strong soldiers and strong horses to do it." This means that one person is in the world. I am the emperor because I can fight. So when someone can fight better than you, life and death will accept fate. The ruler can accept fate. How can the people accept fate? The troubled times cannot last forever.
The eternal sacrifice of a surname and the family of the world is manifested as feudalism. Feudal society is an era of family and the family is a country that requires the same surname. The same surname and the country are a member of the family, and the same surname and the country are guest. Zhou divided the world into feudal states, and the same surname and the country are guest. The two kings and three charity are clearly divided. The guest is guest, and the guest is treated as guest courtesy rather than minister courtesy. Different surnames and the country are no longer regarded as their own ministers, but are guest courtesy. The era of one word standing side by side with kings and being at home is possible.
The ritual system is part of the externalization of ideology. If the ideology is erased, the ritual system will be inexplicably , making people confused.
Later generations saw Zhou's feudalism. Although it was destroyed by Qin, it was still China. They believed that feudalism was conducive to continuing civilization. The ancients would not think so. Qin was a guest of Zhou, and Zhou was destroyed by Qin. From the perspective of Zhou, it was destroyed by outsiders. The Han Dynasty did not allow the title of kings in different surnames, because of this lesson. The same surname was a feudal state, and the seven kingdoms rebellion occurred. Emperor Wu of Han did not find a way out and took the legitimacy of the regime from the destiny of heaven. The destiny of heaven has the side of the destiny of heaven, but only gave it to one person with the destiny of heaven. In this system, the world is still a public instrument and cannot be marketed for private grace. The private world ideology under the destiny of heaven is the reason for the end of feudalism.
A unified regime can only be a world of one person or a public world. This is the internal reason why the feudal era in China ended from Qin. Only the family can be divided into feudal states, which is the political principle expressed by ideology. The Ming Dynasty divided the feudal states by returning from the public world to the family world, and there were ministers and guests under the emperor. Strictly speaking, the Ming Dynasty was not a unified regime, but there were feudal states within its territory, but it only weakened the feudal state and could not resist unification. It was partly feudal states.
Also facing the destruction of the country and the family, the Southern Ming Dynasty fought for the support of whoever he wanted to be the emperor. Anyone named Zhao could become the emperor. Because the Ming Dynasty was a family and officials were of the nature of a retainer, they would not be as casual as officials of the Song Dynasty.
The Ming Dynasty was destroyed by internal and external troubles and was dynasty by the Qing Dynasty. The Qing Dynasty was mixed with the primitive public world and the family world inherited from the Ming Dynasty, and also inherited the unified hodgepodge regime. It showed that it was a strong legacy of slavery. The legitimacy of this regime was very fragile, and discussions on ideology must be very taboo. The rise and fall of the dynasty, the destiny that was thrown into the garbage dump, and the theory of the five virtues and the end of the five virtues had to be picked up.
The reason why the era before the rise of white people in Europe was that Rome in Europe was destroyed. When Rome was destroyed, the public and private worlds in Europe were cut off. The invading barbarians entered the family world from tribalism. After the rise of the Industrial Revolution, they entered the public world from the family world, and there was almost no historical stage of private world. In other words, Europe did not have the ideological foundation for great unification. When the public world was destroyed, there was an ideological foundation for great unification. With this ideological foundation, there was an external need for the war of unity and an action to form the EU for unification.
Only by connecting the Tang and Song dynasties as a whole can we see that the Mongolian destroyed the Song Dynasty and the Central Plains civilization was cut off by then. The Mongolian destroyed the Song Dynasty was almost equivalent to the destruction of Rome by the barbarians, but the Central Plains civilization was tenacious and got up again.
Ideology will be externalized into a political structure, form institutional measures, and have a series of political principles.
Confucianism, Mohism, Taoism, Law, and the pre-Qin philosophers were mainly concentrated at the level of political structure, and there were not many places involving ideology. If their theories were distinguished as ideological divisions, history would become a mess.
The traditional division of social ideology in Chinese is the public world, the family world, the private world, and the cycle of governance and chaos is within this structure. The division of primitive society, slave society, feudal society and later capitalism, and socialist society cannot tolerate China's history. If it comes to China, it cannot explain the historical period after Qin. On the other hand, China's ideology of the world belongs to can tolerate those periods that divide history.
The division of historical processes is based on their own history, not an inevitable historical law. From their division, the great world of communism will be introduced because the Chinese history of public, family, private, public, family, and private matches the public, family, and public in Europe, and everyone will have the same path in the ideal world of mankind.
Ideology is a view of history and reality, and a prospect for the future, as a result. If there are major changes in the social foundation, the content of ideology will also undergo major changes.
Xu Ping could not take this kind of ideology and the disharmony of Chinese history seriously in his previous life. When he was in a real situation, he took it for granted and took reality for granted. How much he was so determined that he dared to accept the imperial edict. Just like when he was a small civil servant in his previous life, some people talked about traditional culture, which was something that even village scholars didn't care about, and he could just laugh it off. He was not in his position and did not plan his own politics. If he governed the country, it would be completely different. Traditional culture is the pre-Qin philosophers and the biography and notes produced by later generations, plus various political and argumentative articles, and a whole set of theoretical systems. Only when he understood can he be qualified to be the prime minister. If he did not understand, the emperor would not know what to do with the preface, and the emperor would not believe it, and the officials would not accept it.
The public world in primitive society, to the family world in the feudal period, then the private world. The Qin private world regime had no source of legality and was soon replaced by the Han. Emperor Wu of Han used Dong Zhongshu to respect Confucianism alone, not to use the Confucian set of great principles of governing the country, but to give his own regime a source of legality. In order to achieve the goal of respecting Confucianism alone, Dong Zhongshu changed part of the Confucian theory, which later generations called it Qubing Afu, which was because of this.
In the middle Tang Dynasty, the private world system under the destiny established by Emperor Wu of Han and Dong Zhongshu, because the destiny of heaven will not be revealed in the world's governance and chaos, and those who harm the people will be disaster, and those who abuse the people will prosper. Some literati represented by Han Yu and Liu Zongyuan had to rebuild legitimacy for the regime under the actual need to reduce the vassal states and rebuild the unification. The private world of heaven's destiny originally contained the elements of the public world. If you want to remove the destiny of heaven and seek it from others, the public world will come into being.
It is not a world that is not a world that is one person, and it is not a permanent sacrifice for a surname. It is not a simple difference in writing, but because the task they face is to reduce the vassal states. The vassal states are similar to the feudal states in ancient times, so Liu Zongyuan would denounce the world and refute the feudal states.
In the Song Dynasty, in order to prevent the recurrence of the Five Dynasties, the regime began to entrust major policies to literati and advocate civil governance. Regarding the legitimacy of the regime, the Confucians of Song had to pursue the Han and Tang Dynasties, and inherit Han Yu and Liu Zongyuan. By the time when Xu Ping was in, the ideology of the public world and the political structure of governing with scholars and officials was about to emerge.
With this background, Xu Ping met with Zhao Zhen in a prime minister's question. Zhao Zhen would not find it strange. The literati and officials who were in power would recognize it and everything would be implemented smoothly.
If the principles and affairs are smooth, the questions and questions of Tao and art will be completed, and the reform of the world will be implemented smoothly.
If you don’t explain the truth clearly, Xu Ping will eventually be another Wang Anshi, and in the end he will return to the cycle of chaos.
The cycle of governance and chaos in Chinese history, which strips away the external factors such as time and geography, and observes the main contradiction between domestic exploiters and exploited people, the intensity of exploitation deepens, leading to the emergence of social crises. If the regime cannot resolve the social crises, it will die in civil strife. Or the crisis will lead to a significant reduction in national strength and die in external enemies. If the regime is destroyed, some are destroyed in internal conflicts, some are destroyed in external enemies. Destroying the internal is a problem of internal affairs, and desecrating the external is a problem of military strength. The two are related, but they are fundamentally different and cannot be involved, otherwise history will not be clear.
This cycle of governance and chaos, when it comes to the capitalist era, is changed to a name and compared to an economic crisis, and it will be possible.
The Zhou Dynasty had eight hundred years of the world, and eventually Qin destroyed the six kingdoms and replaced the Zhou Dynasty. Although the 800th year of the Zhou Dynasty suffered the decline of the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, it did not show this cycle of governance and chaos. Perhaps it can be believed that the cycle of governance and chaos is the characteristic of great unification, not the characteristic of the whole country.
Of course, this does not mean that the family world is stronger than the unity, because it is more likely that the family world will not develop in the degree of chaos after governance. The upper limit of the family world is roughly the lower limit of the cycle of chaos in the great unity.
Under this discourse system, capitalism is no longer the next dynasty of feudal society. It is a historical period when exploiters and exploited people are the main internal contradictions. The world of great harmony is still far away. There is no way to talk about reforming the government and pursuing capitalist society to put capitalists in power. Reform measures have nothing to do with this.
After determining who the world belongs to and who is the master of this regime, the ideology is facing domestic contradictions next. There is a understanding that the contradiction between the exploiters and the exploited ones is the main contradiction in the country. The next question of ideology is who stands on the standpoint. It is also the public world, and there is another question of position.
The court must be biased, which means that the regime must have a position. Without a position, the regime does not need to exist.
Xu Ping's choice was to stand on the side of the exploited persons. This is the traditional Chinese position and the widely accepted position of this era. The people-oriented world is a very important part of Mencius' theory, and accepting Mencius represents the call of the times.
Why use the political structure of the emperor and scholars in this era to rule the world, instead of taking the constitutional monarchy and parliamentary system from Europe in the textbook? Because of different political positions.
The textbook has already explained very clearly that constitutional monarchy and parliamentary system are both political structures that emerged by the bourgeoisie in order to control the regime. Xu Ping's position is not biased to their side, but rather to the vast majority of exploited people, so naturally he will not use these two political structures. The political structure belongs to ideology. The same ideology will have multiple political structures, but it is difficult for different ideologies to use political structures of opposing ideologies.
The constitutional monarchy and parliamentary system both emerged to weaken the rulers' control over the regime. The purpose of the weakening is to facilitate capitalists to manipulate the regime. As long as the ruler's authority is still heavy, there is naturally a call for the people and the possibility of taking power back from the bourgeoisie. Under the ideology of public world, for the rulers, the righteousness is in hand, and I have it in the world. Constitutionalization and various measures are all to cut off this possibility and ensure the bourgeoisie's control over the regime.
The independence of a regime lies in that at the top of the political structure, there is only a series of political principles, and there is no unchangeable ancestors and laws, nor an unchangeable constitution. Everyone wants to do it once and for all, but the regime has been taught a lesson from reality. Faced with various complex contradictions inside and outside, once and for all is just a dream. Perhaps only hopes for technological progress, great development of productivity, and using extremely rich materials to slowly bridge the contradictions.
Even in capitalist countries and within the bourgeoisie, when facing serious crises, some people want to carry out greater reforms, and the great justice will still be powerful in one fell swoop. That's right, the United States is the ***. When the supreme ruler leaves more power, it is not uncommon to wield justice and change the political structure. If you can drag this one down, another will appear later. If the social crisis is not resolved, this impact will not end. There is no other, the regime has a position, but the regime itself is independent of the exploiters and the exploited ones, endangering the survival of the regime, and this independent personality is reflected.
In the ideological structure, the position is under who the regime belongs. In order for the regime to survive, the ruler dares to challenge the entire exploitation group. This is the power of ideology. Ideology determines the political structure, not the other way around.
When the tide swept the world, external contradictions are likely to cover up internal contradictions, and some people even regard transferring contradictions outside when facing social crises as a natural reason. Times are different, and this natural reason is not a natural reason. When transferring contradictions outside and are unavailable, every regime must find ways to resolve social crisis internally.
In Xu Ping's previous life, the global tide of prestige started by white people is receding, and at the end of the times, every civilization is licking its own wounds. Imperialism and internationalism are receding, and globalization is already against the general trend. Taking out from international affairs and responding to internal crises is already a trend, and this is the general trend. Whether conscious or passive, all countries, nations, and civilizations have to face such a situation. The earlier they withdraw, the smaller the losses. At this time, they still cannot see the situation clearly, and taking the banner of globalization will seem ridiculous in the world. Although they are a small country, but they are in love with the world, they are talking about this kind of regime.
The previous life was the end of the tide. In this life of Xu Ping, when the tide was in full swing, he tightened the fence and remained firmly in the tide. The world for the next thousand years was the Han people. He rolled up into this torrent, greedy for small profits and forgot the great righteousness, and simply added the counterattack of imperialism and internationalism to himself, wasting national strength and national development opportunities.
If an emperor is the bureaucratic collective controlled by the literati and officials, he governs the country together with the emperor. The emperor's responsibility is to make the group that governs the country always stand on the side of the exploited. If the emperor loses his position, the bureaucratic group will inevitably lose its position, and this political structure will collapse. If the position is lost, the ideology will change, and the nature of the regime will change.
Therefore, the emperor's righteousness is not to indulge the bureaucratic group. When he stands on the side of the bureaucratic group, the whole world will be very dangerous. Harmony between the king and the minister means that everyone has the same ideology, but each has its own responsibilities, and the contradictions are reflected here.
The emperor's personal ethics are unreliable. It is nothing more than changing the emperor into a collective, just like dividing the power of the prime minister into the power of the people in the priesthood group. After determining the political position, this political structure will not change. The differences between them are like constitutional monarchy and parliamentary system, although there are differences, they belong to the same ideology.
The Roman Senate republic and the Qin and Han dynasties prime minister system were based on ideological positions. Under such a system, many historical contexts will be drawn up.
The superstructure is an ideology and political structure, centered on ideology. Ideology generates political structure and a series of political principles, and thus there are various administrative measures. Reform means a series of political behaviors adopted after the ideology is established, including administrative, and abolishing old political principles and establishing new political principles.
The emperor and scholars rule the world together is the political structure generated by the ideology of the public. Xu Ping has always said that resentment belongs to oneself and kindness belongs to the superior political principle of public and great unification. The prime minister shows kindness to the people of the world, which is doing what Wang Mang did. The local officials show kindness to the people under their rule is feudal thought, and regards themselves as the masters of counties.
Under the political structure, the prime minister can only manage the government. If something goes wrong, it will lead to public grievances. The prime minister is subject to public grievances, rather than emperor grievances. This political principle is to reflect the distinction between the emperor and the literati and the literati and ensure the position of the regime. It is reflected in the system, which is to use edicts to the government, and measures such as reduction of sentences and tax exemption to the people, even if it is proposed and implemented by the prime minister, there is no need for edicts. Instead, moral praise, pardon system, pardon, and gratitude is returned to the emperor. The system of systemic reduction of sentences is not a act of showing etiquette, and it is changed to the prime minister's etiquette to the prime minister's etiquette to be a memorial.
Local officials are sent to the local government by the court and ordered to govern according to the system of the court. Within this scope, the people's benefits can only be attributed to the court. The court believes that they are good officials, and they cannot use this to make the people grateful for themselves. Otherwise, it is feudal thought, which violates the political principle of resentment to oneself and favor to oneself under the unified unification. Even if the court has a mistake in administrative orders, the public grievances caused by this are borne by the local officials. They cannot be entrusted to the top. Distinguishing is a matter within the court.
The emotions have nothing to do with the people. Confronting the court with public opinion is feudal thought and does not conform to the political principle of unification. For example, if the local officials propose to implement the work, it must be based on the orders of the court, mainly the orders of the Secretariat, and cannot make their own decisions. Even if the Secretariat signs and stamps a seal from the end, the benefit also comes from the court. This political principle is to ensure the centripetal force of the local government and not destroy the unified political structure.
Therefore, officials like Wanmin Umbrella should be careful. If you are not careful, you will not only not be rewarded, but may also be severely punished. Violating political principles is more serious than violating the system, and it is possible that you will be put into another account. Xu Ping left Yongzhou and sent them to the people on a rainy night. This is the people and his business, and the court will not reward them for promotion. If he takes this matter and returns to Beijing as a contribution to his own governance of the land, he will be caught by others.
The public world is unified, and local officials are in counties and counties. The court investigates the governance achievements, and the attitude of the people is not very important. This position is originally for the court to be criticized by the court. If the reputation is good, the court will investigate whether you are doing well or the court's duties and responsibilities to market private favors. The umbrella of the people is an absolute bonus to officials, which is a feudal remnant and an ideology that has a family.
These taboos extended from ideology are political principles within the regime and political correctness outside the regime. One of the big reasons why officials need to have political awareness is that in addition to the legal system, there are also various political principles and political correctness that restrict them. If they do not require them based on political principles, they are not within the scope of officials and are officials.
An official who is not suitable for office and is demoted is not just doing something wrong. In the words of Xu Ping in his previous life, sometimes he has a weak political stance, unclear political principles, and lacks political sensitivity. If he violates this, it is more serious than doing something wrong, and he is punished more severely. Ouyang Xiu was demoted because of his cliques, which violated political principles.
The firmer the regime's will to independence and the stronger the ideology, the stricter the requirements for officials' political stance, and the more severe the punishment they will be for violating political principles. Many people are indifferent to fame and fortune, but some people do not want to be bound by political discipline. I thought that in ancient times, only loyalty and unfaithfulness were not appreciated, and that officials did not have to talk about politics, and that they regarded all the ancient world as family and private world. Different ideologies would have different politics.
Officials in the regime should be political, but officials do not need to be political, that is, officials have no righteousness. This is one of the differences between officials and officials.
It is not enough to be called reform without involving superstructure. Some reforms touch ideology, while others only involve the adjustment of political structure and some political principles. This is a difference in breadth and intensity. Ideology and political structure are completely overturned and reincarnated, which can be called revolution. Sometimes it is the fate of others to revolutionize the regime, and the regime has a firm mind, and it is also possible to revolutionize one's own fate.
The regime has an independent personality, and when facing a crisis, it will inevitably have self-rescue actions. When self-rescue must touch the deepest ideology, the world will undergo great changes and self-revolution. In extension, the Central Plains dynasty's reforms and dynasties have been reforming and replacing dynasties in a broad sense, in self-rescue and self-revolution again and again.
Chapter completed!