Chapter 300 Revolutionaries (5)
Xia Bohai nodded and said, "From Japan's standpoint, it's not wrong to have such an idea. It's all for the sake of maximizing the interests of its own country. However, it is a bit contradictory to keep Japan's power stronger than China. A weak China has limited help to Japan, but if Japan really intends to help China develop, it will only be a matter of time before China surpasses Japan with its size, population, and resources."
Qin Zheng said: "We are time travelers. Of course, we know that as long as China straightens out its own affairs, it is very likely to surpass Japan. However, in the old time and space, China in this era basically cannot see the possibility of surpassing Japan. Therefore, if Japan really tied China to its own chariot and controlled China's development speed, it is still very likely to suppress China in terms of strength for a considerable period of time."
Xia Bohai thought for a while and said, "This is right, who has never stopped China?"
At this time, Xu Jichao said: "Political Commissar Qin, I have read some articles before traveling through time. One of the views believed that the Qing court's new policy was actually done well at this time. If the Qing court could be given enough time to continue to implement the new policy, it would eventually be successful and make China prosperous. As a result, the 1911 Revolution disrupted the process of the Qing court's new policy and made China miss an opportunity to be prosperous and strong."
Wang Yunpeng said: "What is this? The new policy of the Qing court was just to deceive the people in order to maintain its own rule. If the new policy can be really done well, then there will be no chance of the Xinhai Revolution breaking out."
Xu Jichao said: "Actually, I don't agree with this statement, but I don't know where this statement is wrong. If the new policy of the Qing court deceiving the people, I should say that it is still reasonable when I study the content of the new policy of the Qing court. At least it is much stronger than before. It does have some constitutional monarchy flavor, which really cannot be said to be deceiving the people. As for the purpose of maintaining the rule of the Qing court, I think this motive cannot be miscalculated. If the new policy can really make the country prosperous and strong, it can indeed maintain the rule of the Qing court, which is not contradictory. In addition, from the later development of the old time and space history, it can also be seen that although the Qing court is corrupt and incompetent, it generally guarantees the unity of the country. Even if the wars occur, it is like The great chaos in the Gengzi State was also controlled within 5 or 6 provinces. From the perspective of the entire country, it was generally stable. Although the Xinhai Revolution overthrew the Qing court and established a republic, the entire country soon fell into a chaotic chaos of warlord separatism. In that regard, it was not as good as the Qing court's rule. It was not until the founding of New China in 1949 that it completely changed, but it took nearly 40 years. If these 40 years were given to the Qing court, it would be possible for the Qing court to fully develop and improve the new policy. To be honest, I think this statement is quite reasonable. The Qin Political Commissar has a study of history, so I would like to take this opportunity to ask the Qin Political Commissar."
Qin Zheng nodded and said, "I have read some of these remarks before traveling through time, but this view is only very reasonable on the surface. If you study in depth, you should be clear that the new policy of the Qing court is destined to be impossible to succeed. If you don't travel through time, I will explain it in the book I want to publish, but now I can say it well."
Xu Jichao said: "Okay, I also want to know why the new Qing court policy could not be successful?"
Qin Zheng said: "We estimate that regardless of the quality of the new policy, from 1894 to 1900, during the six consecutive years, major events such as the Sino-Japanese War of 1894 and 1900, the Sino-Japanese War of 1895, the Sino-Japanese War of 1895, and the Gengzi Reform. It can be said that every incident had a heavy blow to the Qing court and basically overdrawn the credibility of the Qing court. It can be said that after the Sino-Japanese Reform, except for a very few loyalists, most of the domestic political forces basically lost trust in the Qing court. In this situation, the introduction of the new policy cannot be said to be completely unsuccessful, but the chance of success is also extremely low."
Xu Jichao said: "The chance of success does not mean that there is no chance of success at all."
Qin Zheng said: "But the problem lies in the content of the new policy of the Qing court."
Xu Jichao said: "I don't have any major problems with the content of the new policy of the Qing court."
Qin Zheng said: "From the content of the new policy, there is indeed no major problem. It can even be said that there is indeed progress compared with the past. Unfortunately, the new policy was introduced in the wrong time. If it was before the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, even if these new policies were introduced after the Reform of 1895, there would be basically no big problems and would be widely supported. However, after the Gengzi State Reform, the credibility of the Qing court was basically zero. If such a new policy was implemented, the political forces of all parties naturally could not accept it. They believed that the new policy of the Qing court retained a lot of power for themselves, and the pace of improvement was still too slow, so the Qing court could not use such a new policy to restore its credibility."
Xu Jichao said: "Doesn't there be no chance of success at all?"
Qin Zheng said: "Of course it is not completely none. I think that if the Qing court wants to succeed, it is only necessary to learn from Britain to engage in a false monarchy. The emperor is just a symbol of the country. It is not about grasping actual power, but handing over all power. Only in this way can the Qing court regain the trust of all forces. Although the Qing court lost its power, it can still retain the emperor's name and the status of the national symbol, and instead transcend the forces of all forces. Unfortunately, this is something that the Qing court could not do, because from the beginning, the Qing court did not think about learning from Britain, but used Japan and Germany as reference objects, which was Japan. Later, the "Outline of the Imperial Constitution" promulgated by the Qing court basically copied Japan's Meiji Constitution, and it clearly stipulated that "the emperor ruled the Qing Empire forever, and would always respect it."
, 'The sacred dignity of the king is inviolable'. At the same time, the emperor has the power to enact laws, take charge of the judiciary, convene and dissolve the House of Commons, appoint officials, command the army, and other powers. To be honest, such power has almost no change compared to the past. To be honest, such power is almost unchanged. To be honest, it means to clarify the emperor's power in the form of law. When Cixi was alive, the Qing court did not dare to do it too much, but as soon as Cixi died, Zaifeng and other young powerful people were impatient to seize power. However, they did not have Cixi's political skills and finally created a royal cabinet. So I said that the new policy of the Qing court was impossible to succeed. Although violent revolution will cause certain turmoil to the country and society, and even bloody sacrifice, China in this era is indeed the only way out."
Xia Bohai said: "For example, China is like a patient with tumor cancer. If conservative treatment is used, it may be able to maintain it for a long time. For a certain period of time, the patient's mental outlook is good, but the disease cannot be completely cured. After the cancer cells spread, they have to wait for death. If the treatment plan for major surgery is chosen to remove the tumor, the patient may be seriously injured and his body is very weak, and he may not die. The body's condition for a period of time is not as good as before the operation, but after all, the root of the disease can be completely eradicated. After the weakness after the operation, the patient will be completely cured and restored to health. The Qing court was this tumor; the new policy is conservative therapy; and the violent revolution is surgery to remove the tumor."
After listening to Qin Zheng’s speech and Xia Bohai’s metaphor, Xu Jichao suddenly realized and said, “So this is the truth, I finally understand.”
At this time, Xiao Jianjun said: "What we are going to discuss now is not the new policy of the Qing court, but how to deal with these revolutionaries. Do we really want to cooperate with them?"
Xia Bohai said: "Of course, the revolutionaries of this era may have all kinds of shortcomings, but there are two points that are worthy of recognition. One is patriotism, they sincerely hope that China can become stronger; the other is passionate and motivated. As long as they recognize things that are beneficial to the country, they will do their best to do it, and they are not afraid of sacrifice. Isn't the Xinhai Revolution initiated by a group of young people? Moreover, the revolutionaries are basically young people with certain cultural knowledge, and they are the talents we need. Therefore, as long as we give them correct guidance, it can be used by us. Of course, the premise is that they must fully agree with our government philosophy. As long as this requirement is met, other aspects will not be a problem."
Qin Zheng said: "I am not worried about anything else, mainly because I am worried that our land policy will be difficult to accept. Many of the revolutionaries of this era are landlords and gentry families. Land reform has moved their cheese. There are many such examples in the old time and space. And I guess someone will make a request to us for land reform to them."
Xia Bohai said: "Let's talk first. First of all, we must explain the significance of implementing land reform and the purpose of implementing land reform to them. This is the only way to make China stronger and stronger. It is not for our own self-interest. None of us has taken advantage of land reform to occupy a mu of land for ourselves. If we still cannot accept our land reform in this way, we can only say that we are different and we are not working together."
Qin Zheng also nodded and said, "This is the only way to do this. It is impossible for land reform to force anyone."
Xiao Jianjun said: "What we are talking about now is just ordinary revolutionaries, but how can we arrange the leaders, well-known personnel, such as Huang Xing and Sun Yat-sen among those revolutionaries?"
Xia Bohai said: "The same is true. First of all, we must agree with our policies. As long as we can do this, other things will be easy to say. The specific cooperation methods can be negotiated or joined within us. We can hire them according to the materials, but if we cannot agree with our policies, we have to part ways."
Chapter completed!