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Chapter 32 Serial Killing (5)

It should be said that Faragu's idea has touched the hearts of some of the congressmen present to a considerable extent. After all, in the past two years, Western Xinjiang has been conquering and developing in the south of the Eastern Continent and the south, from the south to Myanmar, from the Myanmar to the peninsula, step by step, extending its sphere of influence to the foot of the alliance. The pressure it brings can be imagined, especially the MPs from the principalities and city-states bordering the peninsula in the east. This feeling is even more profound. Seeing a powerful regime slowly standing up by his side, it is indeed a bit uneasy to sleep and eat. If it is as beautiful as Faragu's idea and solve the problem once and for all, I believe every congressman will agree with the vote of sending troops, but is this the case?

"General Faragu, I think you may take it for granted. First of all, you are neither the commander-in-chief of the armed forces nor the commander-in-chief of the army. You are just the commander-in-chief of the navy. The military operations on land are probably not as simple as you imagined. According to what you said, we only need to do things and go through the motions to harvest the fruits of victory. If so, of course everyone will be happy, but is there such a good thing in the world? You seem to be suspected of insulting the wisdom of the Maqikhans. Bi Xili and Lei Juetian will have so much kindness and favoritism towards our Nanyang Alliance?

I'm afraid it might not be." It was still the sarcastic MP Metz. He wanted to expose the commander-in-chief of the Navy to blow the sectors into soap bubbles. "If the Maqi Khan really had such strong strength, Legon would have been in their hands, and their army would not have stopped at Sanbao. What was their purpose of inviting us to send troops? Was it really inviting us to attend their share feast? Oh, then the Maqi Khan really became a great charity. My personal opinion is that the risk of sending troops this time is too high, and it is very likely that the loss will not be worth the effort."

As a senior member of the Military Commission, Mez's opinions are still quite influential in the Alliance Parliament. Most of the members who have a deep understanding of the current situation agree with Mez's view, but Faragu's statement still has considerable temptation. After all, it can eradicate the threat in Western Xinjiang. I am afraid that this opportunity will not be available again if I miss it this time.

"Although the Machi Khans encountered some setbacks in Legung, the mere fact that they were able to bypass Legung and occupy the Three Treasures is enough to show that they are able to win this battle in the end. Now Legung is only a matter of time. Once Legung is captured, there will be no army stationed in the Xixijiang people. It is easy to seize the entire peninsula. If our alliance army joins, I believe that this battle will end faster and can also win more benefits for our alliance, especially the recovery of the Maven Islands and the acquisition of the three good ports in the peninsula. The Machi Khans have made it clear that they will not make any sovereignty claims on the three major port cities. They only hope to obtain the right to enter and exit a commodity free port. As long as we send troops, all rights and interests of Sanbao, Moro, and East Samoa will belong to the alliance. At that time, whether these three city-states join our alliance as equals or subordinate them as vassals will be subject to the dominance of our alliance."

Farag also knew that the situation was better than using interests to tempt these merchants and MPs. The commercial and trade rights of the three port cities were really too tempting for these MPs who had always wanted to get involved in the commercial interests of the peninsula. If these three cities were turned into vassals of the alliance, almost everyone could share a spoon of soup here. Whether this spoon of soup could be enjoyed was not a question that Farag was considering. The bait thrown by Farag was difficult to reject some greedy MPs.

"General Dyton, what do you think as the commander-in-chief of the Army of our alliance?" He coughed lightly, and the plain-looking Speaker Cort finally interrupted. Although there was no tendency from his face, since he asked about the opinions of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, it was enough to show that Speaker Cort was interested in the topic of Faragur. The Commander-in-Chief of the Alliance Armed Forces was also the Speaker, but the real major event involving the interests of the entire alliance, which was first required to obtain the Parliamentary Military Committee to be the Commander-in-Chief of the Alliance.

Only when the Council agrees, the formal recommendations can be made to the Assembly of Parliament, and then the Parliamentary Assembly votes and submits the Speaker's approval and final order to enter into substantive operation. Therefore, although this system has been greatly reflected in the degree of democracy, it is inevitably greatly affected in efficiency. Many of the members attending the Assembly do not understand political and military issues. Most of them need to listen to the opinions of military professionals from the Army and Navy and members of the Military Commission.

In fact, Diedun was not at all tempted by Faraku's proposal. After all, it was the most undesirable thing for the army to eradicate the threat of Western Xinjiang. However, Diedun's war between Western Xinjiang and the Maqi Khan was somewhat different from Faraku's simple fanaticism. He not only analyzed the early situation of the war between Western Xinjiang and the Maqi Khan, but also analyzed and predicted the prospects of the civil war in the Tanghe Empire, and also compared it with the overall strength of the war between Western Xinjiang and the Maqi Khan.

The final conclusion was that although Xijiang was at a disadvantage in this battle, if this war continued, the final victory would belong to the people of Xijiang. Even if the Nanyang Alliance joined the side of the Maqi Khan, it might be possible to obtain some benefits in a short time. However, if the Maqi Khan could not fully control the northern part of the peninsula, then these so-called tempting interests were like usury, which would sooner or later be recovered by the Western Xinjiang people and even pay much heavier interest than the principal. The previous war was proof.

"Speaker, I am opposed to sending troops on behalf of the army. The reason is very simple. I have already said just now. We believe that the Machi Khans do not have the strength to completely occupy the peninsula, especially Legun and Kutterdam are still in the hands of the Western Xinjiang people. This makes our army have to doubt whether the Machi Khans have the strength to win this battle. The premise of the good promises made by General Faragu just now must be based on the fact that the Machi Khans can completely control the northern part of the peninsula to block the pace of the Western Xinjiang people's possible going south. If the Machi Khans cannot do this, what can we do if we temporarily occupy three port cities? In addition to attracting more violent revenge from the Western Xinjiang people, I don't see any benefit. I personally think that General Faragu's suggestion will lead the alliance to the road to destruction."

The expressionless Dieton didn't even glance at the commander-in-chief of the Navy who was so angry that his face was flushed, and he explained his own views on his own. His attitude was so clear that it was not beyond the expectations of the members of the parliament. First of all, the relationship between the army and the navy was not good, and General Dieton and General Faragou were incompatible with each other, and the arguments he made were quite solid. Until now, the Maqi Khans had not achieved a decent result. Now the people of Western Xinjiang have only invested in the regular troops of two army corps for defense. It is difficult for people to believe that the Maqi Khans can succeed.

After pondering for a while, Colt was touched by the opinions of the commander-in-chief of the Army. The scars were still there last time. If he acted arbitrarily, he would be afraid that even the position of the speaker would be shaken. But he also knew that there were many members of the parliamentary supporter of Faragur's views, especially those of the coastal countries and city-states. If he had not expressed any at all, he might have caused their dissatisfaction.

"General Dyton, what do you mean is that no matter how much troops our alliance invests to join the Machikhan side, we cannot ensure the victory of this battle?" In the end, Cort decided to make the topic clearer. If the goal is still not achieved, then he will not be able to blame himself.

The Commander-in-Chief of the Army, of course, heard the tendency of the Speaker's attitude. He was a little hesitant, but when he thought about it, this matter was extraordinary. If he did not truthfully express his opinion, he might even be sent to the gallows if he failed. He would not be the first commander of the Army to be sent to the gallows for this.

"Speaker, please forgive me for not answering this question with absolutely affirmative or negative remarks. Uh, if the alliance can mobilize 350,000 to 400,000 troops to join the war, I think maybe we can help the Maqikhans through this difficulty."

Although the Army Commander-in-Chief's answer was very reluctant, and the mobilization of 350,000 troops was almost impossible for the alliance, Cort could not control so much. The other party finally did not directly deny the possibility of sending troops, which made Cort very pleased. He could explain to the Southern Councillors who strongly advocated sending troops. As for whether he could pass the Military Commission and the Parliamentary Conference, it was not his responsibility and obligation.

"Everyone, just now, all the members of the parliament have heard the views and opinions of our Navy Commander-in-Chief, Army Commander-in-Chief and some members of the parliament on whether to accept the invitation of the Machikhans to send troops to the peninsula. Sending troops is of great importance, and it can even be said to be related to the life and death of our alliance. I suggest that the members of the parliament can be brewed and discussed on this matter today and tomorrow, and can also solicit opinions from some relevant persons on this issue. The day after tomorrow, we will ask the Military Commission to discuss and decide on this matter in advance. If the Military Commission discusses and passes the proposal for sending troops, we will make a final decision in the parliamentary meeting."

The wooden hammer hit the rostrum with a sharp blow, and the crisp sound of the knock made the parliament hall quiet suddenly. "Okay, today's meeting discussion ends here. The MPs and gentlemen can carefully consider whether to send troops in the past two days. I hope the meeting the day after tomorrow can make a wise decision for the future of our alliance. The meeting will be discontinued!"

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