After hanging up the phone, Shelbitsky kept silent for a long time and talked about the child's problem. How could he say that he was the first secretary of the Ukrainian Party Committee? This is really a fault for the old spy leader's words? He simply cheated on himself as a child.

What is the purpose? Wish it! This is the guess given by Serbizky. Chernenko was in poor health and Jihonov was not an independent person. The wave of the Dnepro gang controlling the Soviet Union was fading. On the contrary, the forces that had almost been disbanded by Brezhnev were rekindled. He was talking about the person who had just called him.

The current Soviet Central Presidium, the three people Andropov wanted to promote were Volotnikov, Ryzhkov and Ligachev, who were the new generation of cadres selected by Andropov. But there was also a KGB-based cadre entering the Central Presidium, even earlier than the previous three. Aliyev, the current first vice chairman of the Soviet Ministers' Conference, was Selov's little vest, and there was no difference between the relationship between Selepin and Semichasne.

On the contrary, he was all old people, and one person was missing if he died. Sherbisky did not say anything about his purpose, but Sherbisky could feel that the leader of this security system seemed to want to imitate his elder brother Xie Lieping and start to attack the supreme leadership position of the Soviet Union.

"Dad, is it Uncle Selov's phone number?" Just as Selbizky was analyzing the current situation, his daughter Shelbirova suddenly came over with a bright pretty face and a gentle smile, asking if it was a Moscow phone number.

"Well, there is a meeting in Moscow, and I will attend next week." Shelbirova kept silent about her daughter. It was not until Shelbirova repeatedly asked but failed and began to grab her father's arm to ask, and she said that she could talk about this matter at that time, which made Shelbirova burst into tears and laugh.

"Gangster, dare to hang up my phone." Selov vented for a while before putting the microphone back. It was so outrageous. If he hadn't expressed some respect to this ruthless man, Selov would have wanted his son to quickly make the other daughter's belly bigger, and then he would see who was begging whom?

"Chairman, the list of arrests sent by the Central Supervisory Commission?" Little Valia pushed the door open and walked to the General Political Commissar with charm, put a stack of reports on the table, and then sat on the Chairman's lap without hesitation.

"Didn't I say it? Pay attention to the workplace." Even though she said that, Selov was really not polite at all and hugged the little girl's waist with her left hand, and then she was familiar with it and pulled down the zipper, making her a zipper like a zipper.

After a while, I read the report of the Central Supervisory Commission, signaled with my eyes, and then put my chin on Little Valia's shoulders, watching the little girl with the chairman's seal to issue these arrest warrants.

"Another group of people are going to die!" Serov, who stared at these arrest warrants, sighed. The anti-privileges and anti-slack movement has lasted for more than half a year. Nearly 100,000 cadres across the country have been investigated and more than 40,000 people have been arrested. It seems that there is no sign of stopping. After Andropov's health deteriorated, he only appeared on TV a few times, but every time he said the same thing, "a more powerful struggle against any violation of the national laws and regulations."

The central government, government ministers and senior cadres above the first secretary of the prefecture party committee alone were removed for corruption, bribery or dereliction of duty. In Ukraine, where Brezhnev was born, nine of the twenty-five party committee secretaries were removed. In Kazakhstan, which was once the Brezhnev territory, seven of the twenty party and government officials were purged. However, the two most important local cadres, Serbitsky and Kunayev, even Andropov, could not shake them.

Selov believes that there is only one person who can shake Kunayev, that is Nazarbayev. As for those who can replace Selbizky in Ukraine, there is no one. No one can take over the job of two people, and then replacing them rashly will only cause chaos in the local area.

Among the arrest list is Brezhnev's friend Smilyakov, director of the Industrial Technology Export Bureau. As a policeman, even a secret policeman, Smilyakov is well aware of the judgment and understanding of nature issues in the police system. From the report of the Central Supervisory Commission, Smilyakov can clearly feel that Smilyakov is almost certain to die.

"First, implement the agricultural collective and family contracting system to encourage more harvesters to get more; second, promote contracting teams in industry and construction industries; third, expand the autonomy of state-owned and collective enterprises, strive to improve quality and efficiency. At present, the effect is still very good, allowing our agriculture and industry to grow gratifyingly again." At the meeting of the Central Presidium, Andropov, who had not shown up for a long time, seemed to have cleared a little, but it was not as good as Brezhnev's later years, and even exchanges could not be achieved.

"Other comrades talk about the things in their field, let's discuss them together. I will arrange my future work later!" After Andropov finished speaking, he looked at other members of the Central Presidium with anticipation, including Chernenko, who also did not express his opinions.

"Then I will talk about the current issue." Marshal Ustinov, Minister of Defense, coughed easily, "I would like to report that unity within the armed forces is the only wealth of the country. The army should be united with the people and should work under the leadership of the Communist Party. The reforms in the army are not easy and difficult, with many generals, and they are only used to giving orders. I cannot say that all the contents on TV and newspapers have a good impact on educating people. You can publish more positive materials. Now some of the remarks of the army are not very friendly. Our enemy Reagan is now committed to expanding the military strength of the United States. On the contrary, a small number of people attribute the problem to the huge military expenditure. I must say that every Kobe invested in the military field is very worthwhile, and I believe that it is not just me who thinks so."

"I agree with Marshal Ustinov's idea. The international situation is deteriorating now. I cannot say that military investment has no impact on the country, but it will definitely not cause a so-called burden. Some public opinion on the military is unfounded. In fact, the military burden of every Soviet person is definitely smaller than that of every American. We do not have a wealthy class!" Selov immediately agreed with Ustinov's opinion.

Then Selov introduced the rectification report of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, saying that after the rectification, the efficiency of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the attitude of promoting Xiangguang's work have been accelerated, and the behavior of tapping socialist corners in various factories has been curbed. The large number of surveillance equipment has left everyone in hiding, so naturally they will not take away production materials, or even deliberately destroy the machine to achieve the goal of slacking off work.

"Some remarks believe that the Ministry of the Internal Affairs' methods of dealing with sabotage elements are somewhat harsh. I must say that during the period when Comrade Derrensky's anti-slack work, not to mention detention and fines, sentenced labor reform is light, and do whatever is effective. The final result is good, and then this matter is good!" Selov defended his department.

"In terms of rectification efficiency, this attitude must be presented." Andropov first said that he had no hostility to the KGB and the Ministry of Defense. As a department that supported Andropov as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he would not be particularly harsh.

After he made his attitude clear, Andropov began to work on the next topic, which was also the most important issue he thought was the fresh blood of the Soviet Central Presidium. He always saw a group of old men in their seventies and eighties leading the country. The Soviets were indeed disgusted after a long time, not to mention that this was abnormal in itself.

"I would like to propose some new comrades as members of the Central Presidium, including Vorotnikov, Ryzhkov and Ligachev. Of course, the official appointment needs to be announced at the plenary session in November. Before that, I wonder what comrades think?" Andropov was nominating at the plenary session a few months later, and he would unify his opinions in advance.

The nomination was not opposed because among the nominations for these new cadres, the only one who said that they might be threatened was Jihonov, the chairman of the Council of Ministers. Even Jihonov would not care too much about these cadres in their fifties at this time, because Jihonov was very old and would not object if the General Secretary asked him to retire.

There is no objection, whether it is Serbizky, Kunaev, Serov, or Ustinov, they all agree with Andropov's proposal. The Central Presidium of the Soviet Union does need some new faces. If you are not satisfied, at most you will be replaced by the time. At present, they still have this confidence in these new members.

"After the New Year this year, I want Boris and your daughter to hold a wedding. What do you think?" In the end, Selbitsky didn't want to invite her to her home, and the two met at the Ukrainian Hotel.

With Shelbitsky's stinky and hard attitude, the General Political Commissar was of course very dissatisfied with it. This was not a cooperative attitude.

"You want me to help you? What reason do I do? My friendship with Chernenko is much longer than you." Shelbitsky said unmovedly, "And I know very well, but I don't know you very much."

"Then do you know my son? Even if you don't know, do you know your daughter?" The General Political Commissar smiled and said, "In the current Soviet Union, as long as you join forces with me, no one is our opponent. Chernenko's physical condition, even if he is the General Secretary, how long can he sit in that position? Do you think he can replace me when he gets on the post? He may not have that time."

"The wedding was held after the past years, let's talk about the specific time." Shelbitsky finally said, "I'm just for my daughter!" You can say anything, stretch out your hand, but Shelbitsky did not respond.
Chapter completed!