"Chernenko is still a little worse than Andropov. Okay, let's go down." Listening to the report of Director Pavlov of the General Office of the Central Committee, Brezhnev responded weakly. Of course, he himself tends to be a little bit more than his comrades, but if he doesn't work, it's not possible. Even if he is the General Secretary, he does not have the ability to force the support of the next General Secretary.

The division of the Central Bureau of the Presidium is so obvious that Andropov has received support from the three directly under the jurisdiction of the three departments. This tendency is too obvious. Selov's National Security Committee, Ustinov's Ministry of Defense, and Gromiko's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Because the Cold War became fiercer, the three departments have become more and more vocal.

He sighed and looked out the window. Since Suslov's death, Brezhnev has often been trapped in memories. This is not a good tendency, but he just wants to do it. Recalling his work, recalling the great Patriotic War, recalling, Kozlov, Sherepin, Podgorne, and Kosigin all.

The office door was pushed open, and the General Secretary's professional nurse Nina walked in slowly to check Brezhnev's body. The great leader of the Soviet Union's people looked dull like a puppet, allowing the female nurse to fiddle with it. He had no demeanor of a great leader, but he was more like an old man who was about to die.

"Nina, you have been here with me for four years." After the examination, Brezhnev looked at the beautiful female doctor with a godless look. In the past four years, he had seen this personal care much longer than others. He was more than his wife Brezhneva and more than the members of the Central Presidium.

"Yes, General Secretary!" Nina smiled gently. This was not a routine smile. It was a certain emotional meaning. She saw with her own eyes that the great leader became like this today. Although the KGB should not have personal emotions, she still felt a little sympathetic to the General Secretary.

Hmm! Brezhnev refused to say anything and said in silence, "Today I want to talk to you, can you be an audience? You are not a cadre, you are just an ordinary person. I really want to talk to an ordinary person now."

Nina did not answer, but sat directly opposite Brezhnev and looked at the General Secretary with anticipation.

"If I recall my life from the perspective of the present, the happiest day in my heart was when I was the secretary of the provincial party committee in Dnepropetrovsk Prefecture. At that time, I could see with my own eyes what I did for the people, but now, I can only hear the mouths of some departments and how the people view me. I am already the general secretary, but I can't see the people anymore." Brezhnev's own memories.

Dnepropetrovsk left the happiest time in his life. After taking office, Brezhnev's primary task was to complete the food purchase plan. If natural disasters cannot be changed, then avoid man-made disasters. Since most of the reconstruction work in various places is mainly industry, it is impossible to concentrate enough vehicles and machinery to transport and process agricultural products, resulting in the food rotting in the ground. In response to this problem, Brezhnev took out his later famous negotiation leadership method to issue orders.

"I know Shurik once said that my ability can only be a good secretary of the state party. He was wrong, not wrong. He lost to me!" Brezhnev smiled slightly at Nina, "A second secretary who is recognized as capable and skilled, and has many supporters is not my opponent in the end. When Shurik left, my heart was very complicated. His view of many things was not wrong. If he was willing to focus on safety work like Schellov, maybe he would not leave."

The Soviet Union had no nominal second secretary, which was a joke about the final central secretary of the discourse power. Generally speaking, there were two central secretaries responsible for two tasks, one was the most authoritative, one was the ideological field, the other was the central secretary of the personnel organization, Kozlov in the Khrushchev era, and Serepin when he first came to power. Even Brezhnev's old comrade-in-arms Kirirenko was not the second secretary, although Kirirenko always thought so himself. But in the eyes of others, Suslov was still there.

"The person I am most unable to face is Comrade Kozlov who has passed away. If Shurik has many supporters, then Kozlov is what everyone wants. Even myself, I think I cannot fight Kozlov. But a disease instantly knocked him down, and fate is so wonderful." Brezhnev pointed at himself when he said this, "Now I understand the feeling of being plagued by illness. Nina, can you understand this feeling?"

"General Secretary, everything will be fine." Nina pushed the glasses on Qiong's nose and comforted gently.

"I hope so. Among the current Central Presidium, I am the most optimistic about Serbizky. If possible, for example, I still have two or three years to do, I think Serbizky can lead our country." Brezhnev whispered, "Others are either too old or in poor health. Of course, I have not forgotten the master of Rubiyangka. The international situation forced me to hand over foreign policy to him, but being born in the KGB is always worrying. So I can only use Andropov to suppress him. In terms of qualifications, only Andropov has the qualification after Suslov's death."

Brezhnev has been hesitating whether to drive away Serepin's last subordinates. But on the one hand, Selov has a good relationship with Ustinov, Andropov and Gromiko. Besides, Brezhnev has always believed that it is best to maintain the status quo in a good manner. Moreover, Reagan is coming in a fierce manner, and seeing a more intense confrontation, he must consider the country and continue to rely on the KGB chairman who is operating foreign policy.

"When people get old, they are prone to sentimentality. I almost forgot that Brezhnev was originally a sentimental person!" Selov hung up the phone and knocked out the cigarette butt. There have always been three power centers in the Soviet Union that will never be weakened.

The first is the Central Presidium of the Soviet Union, which is the real core of the Soviet Union. The direct leader is the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the second is the Secretariat. Most of the time, the Central Presidium was responsible for formulating lines and policies, and the Secretariat was responsible for supervising the implementation of the Party's policies and handling daily work. The Central Secretary who presided over the work of the Central Committee and Secretariat was often ridiculed as the second secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union - the second leader and successor of the Party.

In name, only the second secretary can check and balance the General Secretary, but there is still a third power center in the Soviet Union. No one recognizes the third power center, and the central government has been trying to eliminate it, but because the fierce Cold War has continued, the third Rupee Yangka can always develop and grow again after being weakened.

Like many cadres during the Brezhnev era, Selov was also a beneficiary of stable cadres. In addition to Foreign Minister Gromiko, Selov himself served as the leader for the longest time in a separate department.

As for the chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union and the chairman of the Supreme Soviet, we can see from the encounters between Serepin and Kosigin that they are both institutions that will not be able to confront the General Secretary. You should know that the prestige of the two early people was even stronger than that of Brezhnev.

For twenty years, Ruby Yangka has been much more stable than the Central Presidium and Secretariat. Once Ruby Yangka has not been weakened for a long time, its strength will naturally become stronger and stronger. As long as there is a chance, every master of Ruby Yangka is a strong candidate for the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The advantage of the KGB over the Ministry of National Defense is that although the KGB represents the police, it is also uncomfortable. However, it is still less lethal than the group of pure soldiers of the Ministry of National Defense. The Soviet Minister of National Defense cannot become the General Secretary at all.

As a first-level confrontation with the United States, the Soviet Union was at least shameless and would not allow active-duty soldiers to lead the country. Otherwise, it would be similar to the structure of the military government, party, politics, military, and special forces. On the contrary, the last spy organization KGB would be easier to win.

"It turns out that I have been pretending to be dead for so long, and I almost forgot. It is now 1982." When welcoming General Secretary of the Workers' Party of Vietnam, Brezhnev appeared again after two months. He led all members of the Central Presidium of the Soviet Union to hold talks with Le Duan. Similarly, Le Duan awarded him the first-class Ho Chi Minh Medal and the title of Vietnam's labor hero.

It seems that Brezhnev received a little more medals this year than in previous years. The General Political Commissar forgot that a few months ago, he himself proposed to award Brezhnev the fifth Soviet hero medal.

In 1981, when Reagan's reform was in the exploratory stage, the Soviet Union's GDP reached 88% of the United States. Of course, when it was announced, it became 90% of the United States. Such a small matter was skipped by the statistics department.

Although the statistical department did not commit fraud of two percent of the data in a conscientious manner, the general public would never find it. Even a professor who is proficient in mathematics could not be the opponent of the group of mathematical monsters in the Statistical Committee.

"This is already a data that can try to pull the United States off!" On the day of seeing the statistics, Serov once said to Andropov. Even if Soviet cadres were greedy, they could not occupy more wealth than the wealthy Americans. If it was a single confrontation between one country and another, the Soviet Union's tolerance would definitely be stronger than the United States.
Chapter completed!