Chapter eight hundred and forty seventh fight
"Agree!" Andropov, Chernenko, Selov, and Ustinov all nodded. For them.
In the Brezhnev era, Suslov finally gained the highest power and could control the political situation. This was the golden age of his "Gray-clothed Bishop". After Khrushchev retired, he was the fourth person who was only one of the three troikas. After Brezhnev eliminated all the leaders who did not take him seriously and stabilized the political situation, Suslov quickly rose to the de facto second person, firmly controlling the power of internal affairs, diplomacy and ideological.
Khrushchev cannot live without Suslov. Most of the time he wanted to use his professional ability and experience in cultural forms to help him manage his ideological work, Brezhnev is even more inseparable from Suslov. The General Secretary has almost zero ideological authority.
Except for Khrushchev, no one in the Central Presidium opposed Stalin, thinking that most of the achievements of the Soviet Union were closely related to Stalin. After Khrushchev retired, it was imperative to re-establish Stalin's image. This was not possible, nor was it possible for Brezhnev and Serepin and Kosigin. In re-renewing the Soviet Union's own thoughts and rejecting some pro-Western ideas of Khrushchev's era, no one could replace Suslov's role.
Suslov's influence is also spread throughout any other field that hopes to make changes happen, either destroy or suppress. All these conservative behaviors occur under the supervision of Suslov, the steward of the ideological steward. In the case where the Soviet system is inquired by the central government and decided by the supervisor, the second secretary is of course fully responsible for the re-Stalinization of the Soviet Union. At present, Suslov has done a very good job.
A few days later, Suslov's bust was completed and a funeral began at the same time. As a great leader, Brezhnev naturally did not need to carry the coffin for the Second Secretary, but this funeral was treated by the General Secretary, which was much more grand than when Khrushchev died. Therefore, other members of the Central Presidium came forward and carried Suslov's coffin and buried Suslov in Red Square.
The moment the coffin fell, Selov, who stood side by side with Andropov, Chernek, and Ustinov, clearly heard the voices of several old men around him. For these old men, this kind of physical work was indeed quite fatal. Selov silently said in his heart, "This is the first..."
Soon, the second, third and fourth appeared. If Kosykin, who had died a year ago and Podgorne, who died one year later, in history, the Soviet Union in history, successively died in three years. The Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Kosykin, Second Secretary Suslov, General Secretary Brezhnev, Supreme Soviet Chairman Podgorne, General Secretary Andropov, General Secretary Chernenko, and Minister of Defense Ustinov. Other cadres of the Central Presidium have not been included.
Just when Reagan was reorganizing his team to fight the Soviet Union, this happened to the Soviet Union. It was really unlucky. Of course, the most unlucky thing was that while important Soviet cadres died one after another, Go Map was rising to the top.
The clips of the funeral were broadcast nationwide on the evening news. Important cadres of all party and states had positive comments on Suslov, and dozens of countries sent telegrams to express their condolences. Suslov's death also had an impact on Brezhnev. As for the impact it had, Serov didn't know, but the General Secretary did feel depressed for several consecutive days.
The most important thing is, who will make up for Suslov's vacancy, in other words, who will be the next heir, who will become the second secretary and become the Soviet Union to build the Soviet Union? Brezhnev is so old, who will be the second secretary? At least if Brezhnev does not object, he will almost be the next general secretary.
"I think only Comrade Andropov has this ability!" At Andropov's home in the evening, Foreign Minister Gromiko, Defense Minister Marshal Ustinov, KGB Chairman Selov, and Andropov himself, the leaders of the four departments sat together.
"You also know that Comrade Chernenko also wants to sit in this position," Andropov said without comment.
"Cheernenko has always been doing coordination work, and it seems not very appropriate to be an ideological authority." Foreign Minister Gromiko's language is more tactful, just like narrating diplomatic rhetoric. But the actual meaning is translated from the rigid language of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which is a very simple meaning, no!
Since the dismissal of the Central Secretary Kirilenko, Chernenko, has been his comrade-in-arms for the longest time. In other words, he is the second-person of the Dnipro gang. Is it not enough for Brezhnev to be the general secretary himself? He also wants to let another Dnipro gang leader serve again? In a country as big as the Soviet Union, no other cadres have the ability except the Dnipro gang? Not to mention others, the four leaders in charge of powerful departments absolutely disagree.
"Comrade Chernenko is accustomed to following instructions rather than making decisions by himself." Selov rubbed his nails and said quietly, "In terms of conditions, he is not as good as Comrade Andropov. Is it because he is an old subordinate of the General Secretary that we push him up? This does not conform to the principle of collective leadership."
Soon, the four people agreed on this matter and recognized Andropov as the second secretary.
There have been many speculations surrounding the second secretary's candidate, and Brezhnev also knows that this matter cannot be delayed. It is not a few years ago. To put it bluntly, he himself may die of illness at any time.
A few days after Suslov's death, Brezhnev summoned all members of the Central Presidium together. First Secretary of the Ukrainian Party Committee Serbizky and First Secretary of the Kazakh Party Committee Kunaev also rushed to Moscow from the local area. All of them, including the neutral First Secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee Grishin, and First Secretary of the Leningrad Municipal Party Committee Romanov, all attended the meeting.
They are all decision makers in the Soviet political circle. Of course, they know that this meeting is of great significance and can even be said to determine the fate of the Soviet Union in the future. But in fact, Serov does not think that Chernenko is Andropov's opponent. In all aspects, Andropov defeated Chernenko. If Serov himself and Chernenko compete, there is a bit of suspense, but the suspense between them is actually not very high.
Even Chernenko's elder brother Kirilianko is not Andropov's opponent, let alone him.
Chapter completed!