"Can the news be sure? Americans still bowed their heads..." Selov's face was dull, but his heart was diluted because of the recent joy. He spread the information revolution in China, and even the local area networks in major cities had reached the last time to connect to the Internet. This news can be said to have poured cold water on himself.

"Yes, we have received news from Pakistan, and we can confirm that it is Nixon's assistant Kissinger." Morikin, director of the First General Administration, hesitated, "Do you report the news to the Kremlin immediately?"

"No need, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has its own channels, and the Kremlin should have known it." Selov took a deep breath and said, at this time the red phone on the table rang. He picked up the phone and heard it say, "I understand, do all the three major departments need to arrive? I understand, Comrade Chernenko."

Don't worry, Selov asked the driver to drive him to the Kremlin. In nearly twenty years of Soviet life, he had never learned to drive. This problem is an infernal breakthrough point. For example, his latest driver was arranged by Tsvigon, although he thought his arrangement was very secret.

As a man who can't drive, Selov's attitude towards it was to rub all kinds of things. It just so happened that Brezhnev was more fond of racing, so a rather strange scene would appear during the holidays. Brezhnev, the largest leader of the Soviet Union, personally drove a jeep and carried the largest intelligence leader of the Soviet Union to hunt, followed by hundreds of secret police officers guarding the safety of the two.

After arriving at the Kremlin, in addition to members of the Central Presidium and members of the Secretariat, Minister of Defense Marshal Grechko, Foreign Minister Andre Gromiko, and the other two other departments heads who were tied with the KGB were all here.

"Yura, I believe you know the situation!" Brezhnev just said simply, and there was no idea what the inner thoughts were on his face. What was the saying? Mood and anger were not reflected in his expression. Yes, that was the saying.

Selov sat down without saying a word. For more than ten years, he kept spreading to prevent the United States and China from getting closer. The facts proved that this was useless. No matter how many small moves were, they were not as real as the United States bowed their heads. The United States took the initiative to improve relations and ignored what you could do.

The United States has found that it cannot settle two countries at the same time, and will definitely choose a weak enemy to ease. In fact, it is similar to the current Soviet policy. The Soviet Union chose Western Europe and the United States chose China. Even if China can cause trouble for the United States, it will not give the United States the illusion that China is more threatening than the Soviet Union, because the national strength is there.

This situation is similar to that in later generations. No matter how Russia tosses, it will not delay the United States from transferring its main force to the East and playing the strategy of returning to the Asia-Pacific. Because the gap in national strength on the surface cannot be changed by tossing.

"Tell me about this, comrades, this move is very sudden and we need to think slowly." Brezhnev glanced at everyone and sighed, "I have to say that Americans are more able to cause trouble."

"Stabilizing a weaker opponent and concentrating on fighting strong enemies is a very normal strategy. Just like we paralyzing Western Europe and fighting the United States in other directions, Americans are obviously not fools." Selov lit a cigarette on his own, took a deep breath and said, "Things are not too bad, what are you afraid of?"

"How could we be afraid? Even if we start wars on both sides of the east and west, we can win." Marshal Grechko, Minister of Defense, said with a tough attitude, "Do they think they can just come together? Do they really think they can fight us?"

"Comrade Grechko, please pay attention to your words." Brezhnev interrupted, "It's not too bad. Let Comrade Selov say first that we have no time to solve the problem with force."

"Can they still change their color? Nothing can change the fact that the other party is a socialist country." Serov said with a constant expression, "As long as this remains unchanged, things will never be resolved by force, and we have a natural advantage."

"What if it changes color? What strategy do you have? Who will bear this responsibility?" Minister of Defense Marshal Grechko shouted in a bad voice, "You KGB's strength is the weakest in China, right?"

Selov suddenly stood up, walked to the side of the wall next to him and pulled the curtain open, looked at the world map with his back to everyone, and suddenly turned around and shouted, "If the worst result occurs, my suggestion is to start a war immediately, use nuclear weapons to take a preemptive attack, and all the troops attack in any direction, and start a war against all bordering countries. I wonder if Comrade Grechko is satisfied with this answer?"

Standing below the world map, Serov's face was cold and his serious attitude scared everyone. Even the Minister of Defense Marshal Grechko didn't know how to interface for a while. Central Secretary Andropov said at this time, "Comrade Serov only explained the worst result. It is obviously not the worst time now. Besides, we are not unable to do anything about it."

"We all know that this is an angry conversation, Yula, let's talk about some practical suggestions." Sherepin, the chairman of the Supreme Soviet, spoke and asked, "Isn't it a bit inappropriate if he doesn't respond at all?"

"I heard that India is seeking support for Pakistan's war?" Selov, who sat down again, suddenly asked this question. Andropov and Ustinov both nodded, and then said, "Kissinger borrowed from Pakistan, right? This time we will teach Pakistan a lesson to support India's annexation of East Pakistan."

"Okay, I'll take action against Pakistan this time so that these people can know the outcome of opposing us." Ustinov was the first to agree, Andropov thought for a while and nodded in support.

After most of the members made a statement, Brezhnev made a decision to let Foreign Minister Andre Gromiko plan this matter. Serov suggested, "Our support is not for nothing. India must annex East Pakistan, otherwise it will not support India. We certainly need India's existence to remind China not to think that we have no friends, but Pakistan also needs to remember the shame and also knock on the printing level at the right time."

"Another reason to support India is to strengthen India's international prestige. Furthermore, once East Pakistan is annexed, the religious forces in India will be more balanced, which will bring two possibilities. First, India's internal restraint will increase from then on, and it will not develop to the point of threatening us, which is convenient for our command, which is a relatively bad result. Second, because two hostile religions coexist in China, India may eventually choose atheism and attack both religions at the same time. The possibility of increasing the possibility of becoming a socialist country is a relatively good result." Selov thought for a moment, "No matter which result occurs, it will be beneficial to our Soviet Union..."

In August, Foreign Minister Andre Gromiko signed a treaty of peace, friendship and cooperation between the Soviet-India in New Delhi, the capital of India, and Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The contracting parties will continue to develop and strengthen the friendship between the two countries, good neighbors and comprehensive cooperation. Both sides promise not to sign and not participate in any military alliance against the other party, do not invade the other party, and do not allow the use of their own territory to carry out any acts that may cause military losses to the other party, and do not provide any assistance to any third party participating in armed conflicts with the other party; when either party of the contracting party is threatened with attack or offense, both sides should immediately negotiate to eliminate such threats and take appropriate corresponding measures to ensure peace and security between the two countries; both sides declare that they do not assume any secret or public obligations that are incompatible with this treaty to other countries.

Indira Gandhi thought about it for a long time in the Prime Minister's Office of India. This is because of the Soviet Foreign Minister Andre Gromiko's question. "In the current situation, if you want to regain the northeast, East Pakistan will inevitably be annexed, otherwise you will have no way. Sikkim has a United Nations view, and it is difficult to use your brain. India's way to march into the northeast has actually been blocked. And the one there is East Pakistan. Moreover, South Asia is a region with many ethnic groups due to historical reasons. Once East Pakistan is, it will become the first nation-state composed of a single ethnic group in South Asia. The country is all Bangladeshi, which will affect the stability of West Bengal in India. It is certainly OK to slowly resolve it, but the pain that has been resolved for a long time and the short-term pain may be greater."

"Once Bangladesh becomes a nation-state, will it help to increase the trend of West Bengal? This is something no one knows. Besides, you also know how large the population density of Bangladesh is. Once it continues to grow, the immigration problem on the border will become a big problem in the future. With the control and management of the Indian government, this problem can be effectively delayed."

Gromiko's problems are very practical, and these are all issues that India urgently needs to face. Indira Gandhi's hesitation is because there are two factions in India, one is annexation, and the other is to make Bangladesh. The two factions argue endlessly. At present, it is to make Bangladesh's voice a little stronger, but in the end it depends on where Indira Gandhi is standing.
Chapter completed!