After Khrushchev relaxed cultural control, some unpleasant changes occurred in the Soviet intellectual class. Obviously, this degree of rebound has made Suslov, the authoritative authority in the Soviet ideological field, dissatisfied with the Soviet Union for a long time. To be fair, this change was not what Khrushchev wanted. He eased the rapid recovery of cultural restraints, and thought, culture, and art and technology, but Khrushchev emphasized the party spirit of literature and art in the later period of his reign, severely criticized works that smeared reality, and strengthened the system of book and newspaper inspection. He advocated peaceful coexistence with countries in different systems, eased international tensions, but still insisted on an arms race with the United States.

To see Selov, it was obviously a hope to correct the too strict social environment of the Stalin period. But then the unpleasant changes occurred, and Khrushchev also saw them. So the cultural world appeared and the so-called cultural people in the cultural world were constantly warned. While eased, he still competed with the United States in various fields.

After all, Khrushchev knew that some parts of him were too much. As for the last general secretary of the Soviet Union, he never felt that his reform was dangerous. In the end, he was beaten up with laughter and laughter, and he looked confused.

For Brezhnev and Kosigin at this time, it is to continue to deepen the reforms with good results, stop the reforms with little effect immediately, and adjust the domestic and foreign policies of the Soviet Union. In terms of domestic political structure, the two separate party organizations were merged, and in terms of economy, Kosigin continued to deepen reforms and leverage the internal potential of the Soviet Union. Suslov hopes that the cultural community will stop mocking the country openly and secretly, while Xie Lieping hopes to establish a fair legal environment and a normal operating supervision system.

In more than a week after Khrushchev stepped down, this was how the new Soviet leadership spent at the Kremlin meeting. Pravda kept publishing articles to publish the new leadership's actions. At the same time, it was still promoting the significance of Khrushchev's retirement and his expectations for the new leadership.

At this time, the Soviet Central Presidium was in the least era. In addition to the government cadres of Brezhnev and the Central Secretary Kirilenko, Serepin and Selov, Kosigin and Mazulov, and Polyyansky, there were only the first secretary of the Ukrainian Party Committee, Selest, the Central Secretary Suslov, the Central Secretary Andropov, and the Central Committee Secretary Andropov, and a total of ten members. In fact, under normal circumstances, Schelest worked in Kiev and would not come to Moscow unless it was a major event. In fact, there were a total of nine people in the Central Presidium at this time.

After a few days of sorting out the domestic situation of the Soviet Union, the next problem began to emerge, that is, the international environment. If we follow the calculation method of the Soviet Union itself, the Soviet economy has begun to approach 70% of the United States. In this case, how the Soviet Union responds to the US-led NATO, whether to ease or attack, is a question.

"After the spring offensive, the US anti-war wave has arrived. With the sharp loss of US gold reserves, we have sufficient reason to believe that the US will find a way to withdraw from Vietnam and at the same time find a way to adjust its domestic economy!" Serov handed a copy of several telegrams to other members of the Central Presidium. "But this process is slow. First of all, the US will not retreat immediately, because they are not like giving up on South Vietnam, but are waiting for the South Vietnamese government forces, or the puppet troops to form a certain combat power before retreating."

"What can this mean?" Central Secretary Kirilenko asked with a relaxed expression, "Is it about our foreign policy now? Or is Comrade Shilov who only has the US military in your eyes? Besides, this matter should be discussed by comrades from the Ministry of National Defense?"

"I mean, the Americans are weak. There are already problems in their country." Selov has received information from the Five Cambridge Masters and knows the actions of the UK. Once the UK feels that its financial capital accumulation is completed, it will definitely attack the US dollar and stage a good show of dad returning.

"Andre, this is a problem. We extract useful information from the KGB intelligence, so that we can formulate our countermeasures against the Americans more appropriately." Brezhnev criticized his comrades in unharmed words, and then said, "We should listen more to the opinions of other comrades. In the field of intelligence and international situation analysis, Comrade Selov is the authority of our Soviet Union, and we should give respect."

"The authority is not a question, it's just some ideas." Although Selov has been cheating on the security expert's sign, he still has to show a certain sense of modesty on this occasion. He knew that Brezhnev was actually aware of the situation of the KGB. Although the KGB went from Serepin to Semichasne to him, he had a firm control over the hands of the Communist Youth League cadres, some senior cadres had a good relationship with Brezhnev. For example, KGB Vice Chairman Zinev, KGB Vice Chairman Zvigon, and Belarus KGB Chairman Chebrikov, all of them were born in Dnepropetrovsk, Ukraine.

Brezhnev, who has this kind of news channel, is not only not very familiar with the things that Schellov himself personally operated, but also knows all the other orders and work issued through the KGB presidium. After all, Schellov cannot cover up the KGB, and even if he knows who Brezhnev is, he must respect it.

Take Zinev for example. When this person was working in the security organs, Selov was a small franchise minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. When Zinev was the director, he almost entered the Ministry of Internal Affairs at the same time as Selov. From this perspective, Selov came from behind.

"Then I will talk about some of my own ideas. If comrades have different opinions, they can be raised at any time." Brezhnev thought for a moment, "the independent former colonial countries such as Asia, Africa, and Latin America have also grown up, and these third-world countries that have grown up are largely opposed to the Western world led by the United States. This is where we can operate. The current public opinion environment is very beneficial to our Soviet Union. The Soviet Union must make a decisive role in the history of human development! This is our mission and mission. As the leader of this country, the comrades here cannot avoid this role, and I don't know whether the comrades agree or not."

"Of course, we still need to implement easing policies at the same time, which is also a continuation of the policy of the First Secretary. In fact, this is not a contradiction. Before completing the great goal, we can also borrow the power of the enemy." Brezhnev said, "First of all, we do have some gaps with the US economy, and the environment at this time is beneficial to us. We can completely use this environment to let the US release enough kindness to the Soviet Union and completely bridge the gaps that can be seen now. When the technical level of both sides, especially the industries involving people's lives, we have more confidence to fight. I don't know what the comrades think, it doesn't matter if they don't agree. We can study and discuss it. Everyone is comrades, and they can put forward different opinions..."

The Soviet economy is not small and the West. We hope to transform the Soviet economy through cooperation with the West and introduce advanced Western technologies on a large scale and narrow the economic gap with the West. The Cuban missile crisis not only proves that Khrushchev's rocket strategy cannot solve all problems, but also shows the gap in military power between the United States and the Soviet Union at this time. After Brezhnev came to power, the modification of the rocket strategy and the implementation of the former military strategy both require a calm international environment to prepare. It is a suitable consideration to avoid conflicts with the United States-led West before preparation is completed.

The United States also hopes to live in peace with the Soviet Union. Brezhnev is certain. The United States is deeply trapped in the quagmire of the Vietnam War and alleviates the pressure of confrontation with the Soviet Union. After all, while carrying out the Vietnam War, it is not a rational move to maintain the confrontation between the army and the Soviet Union from the European front.

Selov knew that the US troops stationed in Europe had been shrinking since the 1970s. It was not until the internal injuries of the Vietnam War were cured that it was re-formed during the Reagan period and increased its troops in Europe.

At the same time, the G77, established four years ago, launched a new international economic order, requiring the development of national economies, and opposing the economic exploitation of imperialism. This made Brezhnev see the environment that was beneficial to the Soviet Union. After all, in this era, the reputation of the Soviet Union was simply unreasonable. If he didn't use it, Brezhnev would not be worthy of being the first secretary.

Offensive policies and easing policies began at the same time. Of course, economic easing policies were mainly aimed at Western European countries, while offensive policies were aimed at the United States. After Brezhnev finished his thoughts, the Central Bureau began to discuss, Sherepin supported the offensive policies, Kosigin supported the easing policies, and Brezhnev felt that both of his policies had found supporters. The atmosphere of the entire meeting set the future strategy of the Soviet Union in a united and friendly environment.

"Ilyic, Kosigin's number of people is the dominant number of people in the Central Bureau of Presidium, while Sherepin has many gangs in the security agencies, propaganda agencies and organizational structures. Don't we take some actions?" After the meeting, as Brezhnev's comrade-in-arms, Kirilenko said with concern.

Brezhnev passed through the window and looked at the people leaving one after another, and turned back with a plain face, "Andre, you have to know that I just became the first secretary, and it has been less than half a month. The new leadership has not achieved any results. In this case, why should the vast majority of cadres support me? They can fully support the more powerful Xie Lieping."
Chapter completed!