"Whether it is a supporter of Charles de Gaulle or the left-wing power, it is actually not a winner this time." Selov said to Andropov as he walked. "In fact, for capitalists, the left and the right are not the most favorable choices. **** always advocates using the power of the state to balance the gap between the bottom and the upper class, which is naturally unpopular. But **** is often too conservative, and one-sided protection makes it difficult for these financial capitals to have room to play. In this era, even capitalists who engage in industry are enemies of those financial capitalists."

"So you think this is why those people in the Second International are becoming more and more popular in Western Europe?" Andropov thought for a moment, "but the people in the Second International are believers of Engels, and in fact they do not welcome capitalists too much."

"This is the second question. If the chondrosis patients in the Socialist International have the spirit of sacrifice, the war will not break out so fiercely. Those traitors have no spirit of sacrifice. For the bourgeoisie, they are objects that can be controlled. The *political parties are different. Because of the existence of the Soviet Union and the socialist camp, they will only kill any socialist movement," Serov concluded helplessly, "It's very troublesome. The Socialist Party has diverted the power of socialism. More than ten years ago, Italy* could independently confront the Italian Catholic Democratic Party, but now the same France* is not an opponent of the Charles de Gaulle party at all and has to form a left-wing alliance. In more than ten years, the changes have been too great. Now only Italy* can divide the world with the opposition parties."

"How to reverse this situation?" Andropov was also in a heavy mood. His family knew his family affairs. He was the Minister of the Central Liaison Department of the Soviet Union. No one understood the power the Soviet Union spent on supporting world socialism than him. Even though Khrushchev was unwilling to have a head-on conflict with the United States, he did not cut off the funds of the Central Liaison Department.

Many countries are actually in a situation where they will be severely hit if they leave the Soviet Union's funding support. Of course, Andropov knew about this situation, but he had no good way to solve it.

"It is definitely not enough to always give them funds. Of course, this does not include the United States and Canada. In the final analysis, we still have to develop our own country and must overwhelm the United States in strength. Only when this impression is widely accepted by the people of the world can the development of the socialist movement be stabilized!" Selov also said with a difficult expression, "In fact, considering the average income of our people, I can say that as long as our real national strength is 70% of the Americans, my competition for the world will lead to a situation that is evenly matched with the United States. If our national strength is 80% or even the same as the United States, this competition will inevitably be that we suppress the Americans and give them no chance to fight back."

Selov's statement was actually quite cautious and did not expand the Soviet Union's national strength at all. During the Brezhnev period, the Soviet Union's strength reached 70% of the United States, and almost suppressed the United States during the strategic offensive. However, the Soviet Union's potential was not enough. Once the United States began to kill the poor and help the rich, it began to counterattack, the Soviet Union could not withstand it. Converting the American rich class to 30% of the American wealth, Selov already looked down on the conscience of the capitalists.

After the French election was settled, there was a moment of unspeakable silence in European countries, the Soviet Union and the United States, which was different from the reports from the vast number of third world countries. Almost European countries and the United States and the Soviet Union involved did not know how to evaluate the election results. For both camps, this is something that cannot be summarized in one or two sentences.

The Soviet Union could not declare this to be a victory for the people's justice, because the French president was still Charles de Gaulle. The political structure designed by Charles de Gaulle himself can still guarantee his strong presidential status. As long as Charles de Gaulle himself does not step down, it is estimated that France will still have disputes over the past few years. Moreover, there are Trotsky factions and the Socialist Party of the Second International in the left-wing alliance.

The US government even felt that France after the election was unable to make the United States make its own policies. The United States undoubtedly hates Charles De Gaulle very much, and this person caused countless troubles for the United States. But they disliked France* and the left-wing alliance led by France*. Now that's it, the elements that Americans hate are all complete.

If Charles de Gaulle is violently overthrown, the US government may take the risk of interfering, although this possibility is very low. However, France, which now concentrates on the United States and hates it, also makes the United States feel at a loss in formulating policies.

So compared to many countries outside Europe, the United States, the Soviet Union, and the European countries involved, all reported this matter in a narrative manner in a very formal tone and treated the French election coldly. This was in sharp contrast to the beginning of the protests.

In any case, for some right-wing parties, any left-wing party is their reason for doubting the Soviet Union. This is the Cold War thinking. Not to mention the* of various countries, even the Socialists and Workers' Party of various countries are either members of the Second International or Trotskyists, and they are often suspected of being spies from the Soviet Union. The current British Labour Prime Minister has been suspected of being spies from the Soviet Union more than once.

In the Soviet Union, as long as the Soviet Union exists, all kinds of left-wing parties will be spokespersons of the Soviet Union in the eyes of many people. Although most of these parties have nothing to do with the Soviet Union, the problem is that no one believes it. What's more, the Soviet Union also raises the banner of socialism to preach from time to time, which makes some countries' political parties suspect that the left-wing parties in their own countries have their own positions from time to time.

Although both camps have dealt with the French election coldly, in fact, this is still a failure in the eyes of the United States, Britain and Federal Germany. However, Charles de Gaulle is still the president and they have not completely failed. Because there is Italy's precedent, they still believe that there is a chance to eliminate the impact of this protest in the future.

Italy's value has emerged again, and precedents have always become the reference standard after things happen. Since the situation in Italy was even worse than a decade ago and NATO did not send troops to interfere, it seems that it is not impossible to use time to dilute the influence now. Moreover, after the United States ended its spring offensive, domestic anti-war has reached its peak. The current government has stated that it will gradually withdraw the US military from the Vietnam battlefield, and the United States has no public opinion to conduct military operations in France.

On the lawn in the walls of the Kremlin, two old men were walking shoulder to shoulder. Both of them were in the Soviet political arena. Khrushchev, the First Secretary and Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and Mikoyan, the nominal head of the Soviet Union and the Supreme Soviet Chairman, were taking priority in walking in the Soviet political center, with a very pleasant expression.

For Khrushchev, he, who is about to turn 75, seems to be nothing dissatisfied with. Five years have passed since the first signal of retirement was released. If he was 65 years old, he would definitely consider it again and might even regret it, but there is no possibility now. Leaders all over the world already know that he is going to retire.

Among the current Central Presidium of the Soviet Union, except for Migoyan, there are no Khrushchev's peers. Except for the two of them, all the members of the Central Presidium were promoted by Khrushchev himself.

"Looking at the scenery here, you may not come often in the future." The reason why Khrushchev did not say anything was because Brezhnev was formulating Khrushchev's retirement benefits. Of course, Selov knew that Brezhnev was just using the promotion of Khrushchev's retirement benefits to win people's hearts, indicating that he was the leader designated by Khrushchev, but Khrushchev himself did not know and was quite satisfied with it.

"I have seen the possibility of defeating the United States, but I have to say that I said at that time that I would see the burial of the United States with my own eyes. I was a little optimistic. I can only say that I saw this trend, but I may not necessarily see the arrival of that day." Khrushchev was obviously very satisfied with the international situation in recent years, just as it was sung in a Soviet song, moving from victory to victory.

"Yes, we are too old, and this kind of long-term struggle may not necessarily see results, but the trend is very obvious and can be left to those young people to complete." Migoyang's qualifications are even older than Khrushchev. Migoyang was already a member of the Central Committee forty-five years ago. When he said this, Migoyang thought for a while and asked, "If we both retire, two committees of the Central Bureau will be vacant. Who do you think is more suitable?"

Because Migoyang is older than Khrushchev, and after Khrushchev retired, Migoyang had clearly seen that if he was still in the Central Presidium at his age, he would sooner or later be hostile, and it would be better to retire with Khrushchev.

Migoyang has a very keen sense of politics. Although he has never been regarded as a high-ranking and powerful person, he has always been an important member of the Soviet leadership and can see some trends.

"Andropov is a very good comrade, as for the other one," Khrushchev also fell into thinking.
Chapter completed!