According to the age of the Central Presidium, there are actually only two people who are over-age, one is the current First Secretary Khrushchev, and the other is the current Supreme Soviet Chairman Migoyan. Apart from the two of them, the remaining giants such as Brezhnev, Kosigin, Serepin, and Suslov actually belong to people from another era.

Khrushchev and Suslov's former boss Zhidanov were cadres of the same era, and Migoyan was earlier, and they were cadres of the Stalin era. So once Khrushchev retired, he would only retire himself, and at most he would bring Migoyan. In terms of age, the current members of the Central Presidium will not retire with him.

"I still haven't leveraged Brezhnev's status, maybe I'm too young than me." Selov, who was walking on the road, couldn't help but sigh. Not only himself, but even Selepin is far from Brezhnev's opponent in political skills. In fact, no one is Brezhnev's opponent now. Kosigin and two assistants occupied three places in the Central Presidium themselves, but they only persisted for ten years than Selepin and were eventually dismissed by Brezhnev.

Xie Luov knew that as long as Xie Lieping did not change his personality, it would be very difficult to win over others except for the cadres and judicial cadres of the Communist Youth League. Suslov was cleansing himself, but this was just Suslov's own business. Xie Lieping was the chairman of the Party and the State Supervision Committee, and he would ask others to be the same as himself, which would offend people.

Institutions like the Party and the State Supervisory Commission that deal with party discipline are actually more offensive than the KGB. Xie Lieping himself is serious and does not have the feeling of Brezhnev as if he was bathed in spring breeze, and is different from Kosykin. He belongs to one of the rare people in the Central Presidium.

But Xie Lieping's advantages are also very obvious. He has unique ability to win people's hearts. Of course, this is limited to treating friends who he thinks are capable. If Xie Lieping thinks that a cadre has no ability, he will basically treat him as if he does not exist. Xie Lieping's friends have always been loyal to him, such as Yegorechev and Xiemichasne until the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although they were losers, they have always been unfaithful to Xie Lieping.

When Xie Lieping was in his prime and became famous, he was called the iron-fisted character Shurik, which alluded to him as Derrensky, known as the iron-fisted character Felix. He came to Moscow to attend university as a thin student, but achieved such extraordinary fame. Many times of the confrontation ended with his victory, but he still lost once. He just lost to Brezhnev and finally paid the price of his political life. The Communist Youth League Eagle, the iron-fisted character Shurik disappeared.

The young Xie Lieping had a very rich expression, a vivid face, her lips were pursed, and her eyes were focused. If Xie Lieping led the country, Xie Lieping would definitely not have a major reform in the Soviet Union with her current understanding of Xie Lieping. Xie Lieping would strengthen her advantages within the framework of the Soviet Union. At the same time, ease the relationship with Yugoslavia, Albania, and China, and concentrate the strength of the entire camp to defeat the United States first.

"Can we win?" Selov was thinking about this question along the way home. Compared with the current power of the Central Presidium, Kosigin has the most obvious advantage. Selepin has many friends at the level of the Central Committee. Brezhnev seems to have nothing, but Selov knows that this is an illusion. Once Brezhnev takes the position of General Secretary, supporters from all over the country will flock to him.

If Khrushchev retired, Brezhnev's character would definitely not openly oppose Khrushchev's policies before the death of this former first secretary, but would not openly oppose Khrushchev's policies, but would rather stop Khrushchev's policies with the attitude of only saying but not doing. After Khrushchev died, Brezhnev would probably take charge of the government himself.

If Selov remembers correctly, Khrushchev's death should be five years later. Brezhnev died of illness eleven years after Khrushchev's death. This means that Brezhnev had eleven years of unrestrained rule. It was probably two terms. During these eleven years, it seemed that it was impossible for Selepin and Kosigin to withstand Brezhnev's pressure.

If Brezhnev had been in power for eighteen years in history, it would be terrible. The extra seven years were enough for Brezhnev, who was the general secretary, to defeat all opponents. No one could withstand him, either Sherepin or Kosigin.

One important reason why Brezhnev treated Serepin more severely than other opponents was that Brezhnev was much older than Serepin, Kosykin and Suslov were older than Brezhnev and his health was not better than him. However, Serepin was different. Brezhnev was afraid that after his death, Serepin would rely on his age to control the country, so he first attacked Serepin's power and must drive him out of the highest power level of the Soviet Union.

"If Khrushchev retired within two or three years, things might not be too bad." Selov, who returned home, tossed and turned. Once Khrushchev set a precedent for voluntary retirement, it would be a good thing for the Soviet Union. There is a precedent and no precedent, which also put a tight spell on Brezhnev.

"What's wrong, Yura!" Seeing his man frowning, Valia rubbed against her husband and asked softly.

"What do you think Brezhnev would treat Xie Lieping and us if he became the General Secretary?" Xie Luov stretched out his arms and hugged his wife and asked, "I can feel that he has doubts about the entire Communist Youth League cadres. He doesn't believe us. Once the first secretary retires, how will he treat us? He doesn't like young cadres very much..."

Valia's beautiful blue eyes turned and immediately understood what her husband meant. It seemed that the senior management was surging in a tide. Brezhnev, Kosigin and Sherepin each had their own supporters. Once Khrushchev retired, these people might immediately fight.

"Didn't you say you are the most powerful group in the Soviet Union? I remember Shurik said this? Why are you afraid of Brezhnev?" Valia grabbed her husband's hand, as if she wanted to give her man a little motivation.

"Yes, but the most powerful group is not as big as the entire cadre class. Brezhnev is the second secretary. He will definitely be the general secretary in the future. I have no confidence." Selov did not hide his worries at all. If even his wife could not believe, then there would be no one to believe.

"What are you afraid of? If you lose, you will be dismissed. We will live a good life as ordinary people." Valia said with a bright look, "Besides, once the first secretary retires, the new government will definitely be a collective leader. What's wrong with the General Secretary?"

"I'm right, go to bed! What am I afraid of them doing?" Shelov took a deep breath and gritted his teeth. "I have made so many preparations. I shouldn't be worried about such things. If I lose, I'll be an ordinary person."

Sleep, sleep! Shelov tilted his head and skillfully untied Valia's suspenders. What's the matter with wearing so many clothes at home?

In fact, Selov doesn't need to be afraid of those things that are not available. Brezhnev cannot be so strong as soon as he came to power. In fact, when he first came to power, he could be regarded as a weak general secretary, but his fighting skills were too high. Moreover, his opponent Xie Lieping had been smooth sailing and had no vigilance to fail. I don't know what happened this time.

A month later, Selov returned from an out-of-field inspection and made a report to Khrushchev, indicating that the National Security Bureau and the State Administration of Internal Affairs belonged to the local party committees and franchised republics, causing the problem of excessive local power. It is proposed that the central government make it clear that local party committees and franchised republics cannot interfere with the KGB's actions.

After the removal of Beria, Khrushchev delegated part of the rights of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the local government, but once and for a while, after the incident in Ryazan Prefecture, the KGB would take back the rights in this regard. However, without the central government's approval, Khrushchev knew about this matter. He also knew that the local government had an excessive power problem, so he acquiesced to the KGB's actions.

This time, Selov hopes that it can be fixed by the central government's statement and this matter. After obtaining Khrushchev's consent, Selov issued a presidium decree of the National Security Committee, "The National Security Committee to which the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union and its local organs are political organs, responsible for implementing the measures formulated by the Party ************* and the government on the protection of the deliberate infringement of the socialist state by external and internal enemies and defending the borders of the Soviet state. Their mission is to be vigilant against the secret conspiracies of the enemies of the Soviet state, expose their intentions, and stop the criminal activities of the imperialist intelligence agencies against the Soviet state..."

"The work of the National Security Committee is directly led and supervised by the Presidium of the CPC Central Committee. The leadership of the state security organs who belong to the Central Committee of the CPC Central Committee must be approved by the Presidium of the CPC Central Committee. The staff who belong to the local party organs do not need to be approved by the corresponding party Central Committee of the Republic, the Border Region Committee of the Communist Party of China and the Prefecture Committee. Instead, they are directly responsible to the Central Committee, and the local party committee, the prefecture committee and the franchised republic shall not interfere."

The next day, Khrushchev convened a meeting of the Central Bureau of Presidium and issued the approval document to the presidium of the National Security Council and issued it to the whole country. After twelve years of disintegration of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Serov reclaimed the rights belonging to the KGB from the local governments, ensuring that the KGB institutions will not be interfered by local authorities, but will have their own system to get rid of entanglement with local governments.
Chapter completed!