At the 23rd Congress of the Soviet Union two months later, Serov delivered a speech on how to establish a stable, safe and efficient social environment. He explained some ways and imaginations to use scientific and technological means to make the highest leadership listen to public opinion.

"As a counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-counter-policing network in Moscow, Leningrad and Kiev, the public security of the three Soviets has improved to varying degrees. But this is not enough. To build a sense of security in the hearts of the people and keep the law and the people together, necessary monitoring is necessary." Selov coughed twice, "When a person walks on the vast land of the Soviet Union, he knows that his every move cannot be separated from the national sight. Whether it is considered from the field of counter-espionage or from social security, it is a good thing. This can curb crime to the greatest extent. Our job is to make all the dark side that suppresses themselves and cannot do violent behavior."

After the applause, Selov continued to elaborate, "Since the establishment of the surveillance network in the three major cities, Comrade Selokov's work in the Ministry of Internal Affairs has been greatly reduced, and the case-solving rate of the three major internal affairs bureaus has increased significantly. The murder case-solving rate has increased by half. Of course, this is just the beginning. In my imagination, it is far from enough. I think murder cases must be solved. Let the criminals understand that some things cannot be done. If the criminals are strong, the law enforcement officers must be stronger. That's it!"

"Also, since six or seven years ago, there have been no group cases in some parts of the country. Taking a rally in Kazakhstan as a reference, the local arrested suspect died in a police car. The leak of news caused the mass gathering to impact the local party committee. This is caused by the lack of information. I ordered a reconnaissance team in Moscow to calm the incident. This incident reflects that the people have some doubts about us, which is not a good phenomenon. To improve the transparency of law enforcement, the best way is to let law enforcement officers enter the scope of being monitored to prevent us, security personnel, from being affected by certain factors." In the blink of an eye, Selov's report has come to an end, and finally said, "My report is over, thank you comrades."

Then Selov turned around and saluted the members of the Central Presidium of the Soviet Union behind him, walked off the rostrum and returned to his position. Selov's position was very close to the rostrum and was on the seat closest to the Central Presidium. Beside him was Yegorechev, the first secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee.

"You are right, you can't see us, but I saw the first secretary nodding frequently." Yegorechev whispered with his head, "I think there is no problem with your report."

"Is that?" Selov thought to myself that it was not what I wrote, although his level of writing reports had made great progress. In addition to the Soviet Union's 23rd Congress, the Soviets also participated in nearly a hundred party representatives from dozens of countries. This is normal, and every conference is like this. If the Soviet Union claims to be the motherland of proletarian workers, no one will come to a conference, it will really indicate a big problem.

This was the first congress after Podgorne made a mistake. I don’t know what Khrushchev wanted to say. But it was definitely not just shouting slogans, but maybe there would be some personnel adjustments. Serov was right. Khrushchev did make some personnel adjustments because there was a vacant vacancy in the Central Presidium.

While taking Podgorne, Central Secretary Kuxin died of illness. Two vacancy in the Central Presidium had appeared. Sherepin took over Podgorne's position with the Party and the State Supervisory Committee. It is still a question of who will replace Kuxin. This is of course a precursor. Selov once heard some clues in Khrushchev's words, but he did not tell Yegorechev that one of the candidates was naturally Yegorechev himself, and the other was Mazurov, the first vice chairman of the Ministerial Council, the main assistant of Kosykin, Mazurov.

The reason why I didn't tell Yegorechev was that Selov believed that Yegorechev's chances of entering the central government were very low. Sherepin and others all had a qualification problem, such as Sherepin, Shemichasne, Yegorechev, and even Sherepin himself. Compared with Kosigin's main assistant Mazurov, Yegorechev does not have an advantage.

Sure enough, Khrushchev then announced at the conference that Serepin was the Central Secretary in charge of the organization, replacing Podgorne's previous role. First Secretary of the Ukrainian Party Committee, and Mazurov, Vice Chairman of the Council of Ministers, became official members of the Central Presidium. Serep and Mazurov subsequently delivered speeches on the rostrum.

"Our age is really a disadvantage!" Shelov whispered to Yegorechev as everyone applauded.

"But time is on our side!" Although Yegorechev was a little disappointed, he immediately cheered up and said.

Time is here? Selov looked at Brezhnev beside Khrushchev and said to himself, "This premise is that Khrushchev should stay for a few more years, otherwise everything would be difficult to say."

After the vote of all the Central Committee members, Khrushchev's nomination was recognized. The current Central Presidium is like this, First Secretary Khrushchev, Supreme Soviet Chairman Migoyan, and Central Secretary Suslov, these people do not count. Serov can see a clear group. First Secretary of the Ukrainian Party Committee Sherest is considered the heir of Podgorne, but Sherest has actually lost his backing and can only rely on Khrushchev.

The person who followed Brezhnev was his right-hand man Andrei Kirirenko. If Yegorechev entered the Central Presidium, Serepin would not be isolated and helpless. But this is not the point. The point is that the government occupies three places among the members of the Central Presidium, namely Kosykin, the First Vice Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Polyansky, the Vice Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and Mazurov, the Vice Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Polyansky and Mazurov, both of Kosykin's main assistants. The three people's opinions are actually similar, which is very interesting.

"I didn't expect that the largest group became Kosykin and others. No wonder Brezhnev finally solved Kosykin." Selov thought this situation was very interesting. Apart from Khrushchev, Kosykin became the strongest person.

"Not two alternate members of the Central Presidium, Chairman of the National Security Committee, Comrade Yegorechev, First Secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee, and at the same time, the Central Presidium appointed Comrade Semichasne as the chairman of the Russian Council of Ministers." Khrushchev's nomination was approved, and Serov was very surprised that he was nominated.

"Kosykin became the winner? I didn't expect it." After the conference, Kirilenko came to Brezhnev's home and said the first thing he said was to express his views on the 23rd Congress.

"Yes, Kosykin is a man with a radical position and an economic expert. It's not unreasonable to let our first secretary look at him." Brezhnev still looked calm and as calm as usual.

Kosykin's reforms were based on Khrushchev's failure in history, and at least it was not curbed in the early days. But it does not mean that Brezhnev was willing to do so. The relationship between Kosykin and Brezhnev has been average since the Khrushchev era, but the two have a stable position in their own field, so they did not start working at the beginning. This does not mean that the relationship between them is good.

"Now the government has occupied three positions in the presidium, and both of Kosykin's assistants have become political commissars. Should we think of a solution?" Kirilianko found that he couldn't understand Brezhnev, and he only had two positions in addition to Brezhnev, so why didn't he feel threatened at all?

"The three vice-chairmen of the Council of Ministers and the three members of the Central Presidium, this does not mean anything. Yes, Kosykin's position in the government is very stable, but that kind of power can be slowly eliminated through time. If five years do not work, there will be a solution sooner or later. There are four real powers, including the party, government, military, and special. Kosykin's only has a lot of words in the government, but this time Xie Lieping became the central secretary in charge of the organization. In addition, as the chairman of the Party and the State Supervisory Committee, Serov and Serokov must listen to him. Now you should understand who will be more threatening in the long run, right?" Brezhnev took a deep breath.

Although Brezhnev knew that after this conference, Kosykin's voice had increased, he could still clearly realize that Kosykin's authority was still in the government. But Xie Lieping was different. He took over as the central secretary in charge of the organization and challenged himself within the party. As the Party and the State Supervisory Commission, he let the Soviet Union's secret forces, including the KGB, follow him. It can be said that Kosykin's threat is in one area, while Xie Lieping's threat is in two areas.

"But there are too many three committee members. Then Kosigin can come whatever he wants." Kirirenko was quite dissatisfied with this conference.

"Maybe Khrushchev is here, and he may really retire in two or three years." Brezhnev said with some uncertainty. He did not believe Khrushchev's various retirement remarks earlier, but Khrushchev mentioned this matter again at this conference, which significantly increased the government's right to speak in the Central Presidium, making Brezhnev a little uncertain.

"What should we do?" Kirilenko eventually had to follow Brezhnev's opinion.

"Wait, we will do our job well." Brezhnev shrugged. To be continued.
Chapter completed!