Brezhnev was not like other Soviet leaders. He himself had little mastery of various theories and admitted this in various occasions without any hesitation. However, in his long career as a local cadre, he had his own set of solutions. Brezhnev was not interested in the speeches of Khrushchev and Suslov. But he was judging his own criteria for judging who was a friend and who was an enemy, who was a cadre, and how much value it was, and how it was used.

In later history, Brezhnev finally attacked Kosykin, on the one hand because Kosykin himself was older, and on the other hand, Brezhnev knew that no one was more suitable to dominate the Soviet economy than Kosykin. Replacing Kosykin was not worth the loss, so Brezhnev first dealt with the most powerful Sherepin and Podgorne, and put Suslov on the shelf. Finally, he felt that he had no time to change Kosykin.

Now for the new KGB chairman Selov, Brezhnev also hopes to make his own judgment through contact, that is, whether the KGB chairman can be used, will it pose a fatal threat to him? Or will it become his own help. Of course, this kind of contact has just begun.

"My friend, do you think Yula would choose if he faced the choice between security cadres and Communist Youth League cadres?" Brezhnev looked at Chernenko and asked. Chernenko had known him for almost ten years. This time happened to be when Xierepin visited Azerbaijan and met Xielov.

"Selov was promoted by Xie Lieping, so he should choose to stand with Xie Lieping!" Chernenko was unreserved of Brezhnev. Their relationship was similar to that between Xie Lieping and Xie Michasne.

Brezhnev smiled inexplicably, feeling that his subordinates need to see more, so he directly pushed open the door of his office, and a voice came from inside, "Do you know, Yula is first of all, a KGB chairman, and must stand with his own security system cadres. Xie Lieping's power seems to be impeccable, but the Communist Youth League and the KGB cannot connect at all..."

After returning to the Secretariat, Brezhnev, who served as the secretary of the Central Committee, almost immediately felt the threat of the two people. One was Podgorne who was on par with him, and the other was the youngest secretary of the Central Committee. In a short period of time, Brezhnev only felt that Serezhnev might become a threat, but he would not take measures against Serezhnev. He first had to consolidate his position and defeat Podgorne who had the same status as him at this plenary meeting of the Central Committee.

Brezhnev admired Selov's idea of ​​long-term planning, accumulating little by little in the dark, and killing the last blow. The reason for appreciation is very simple, because he is also such a person. Before he can grasp it, Brezhnev will not make any moves, and he will not let it go if he has the chance.

This idea first requires a certain degree of confidence in your own abilities, and then make sure that you only face one opponent, not a group, and to remove your competitors one by one without a single person. The only disadvantage may be that this takes a long time to operate slowly.

While Brezhnev was evaluating Selov, Selov, who had just been on the KGB chairman for a while, was also conducting the same assessment, but just the other way around. From last year, he seemed to have more and more contacts with Brezhnev, until this time Brezhnev visited No. 11, Ruby Yangka Square, and the number of contacts was too frequent. If he could not see anything until now, he would not be worthy of controlling the KGB intelligence agency.

"It's too fast. I just returned to the secretariat and had this sense of smell. Or did I start preparing when I was in the Supreme Soviet? Everything is in my control. This sentence is not suitable for me, it is more suitable for him!" Selov said to himself with a weak feeling.

From a historical perspective, the realist who is Brezhnev is the most important thing about reality rather than ideology, and it is also overly practical. As we all know, this was the case in the Soviet Union when Brezhnev came to power. General Secretary Brezhnev, Supreme Soviet Chairman Podgorne, and Chairman of the Council of Ministers Kosigin, these are the three troikas of the Soviet Union. In addition, the theorist Suslov, who may be the next General Secretary, Xie Lieping, according to age.

This situation has only lasted for about ten years, and after Brezhnev eliminated several threats, that is, after the mid-1970s, the Soviet Union's three troikas were nominally the three of them, but in fact, the power of several departments has greatly increased and became the three troikas controlled by Brezhnev himself. They were KGB Chairman Andropov, Defense Minister Ustinov, Foreign Minister Gromiko, Kosigin and Podgorne were already in an optional state.

The political status of the leaders of the super departments of the KGB, the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has risen to an equal footing with the Supreme Soviet, the chairman of the Council of Ministers. The most powerful advocate of sending troops in the Afghan war was KGB Chairman Andropov, the Minister of Defense Ustinov, and the opponent was the Chairman of the Council of Ministers Kosigin, and the final resolution was to send troops.

How to get in touch with Brezhnev has become a problem for Selov. This boss is not Khrushchev, and it is useless to talk to him about **. Brezhnev sees how much he gains, and don’t talk about anything without gains.

"Do I want to learn from Andropov? Hiding in Ruby Yangka, there must be a way!" Selov thought that things were far better than what Andropov faced.

In terms of work attributes, Andropov's early wish was actually Suslov's role as the central secretary in charge of class struggle. In this case, Suslov's impression of those who were ready to replace him can be imagined. He kicked Andropov to the KGB as chairman with one kick, because although the KGB had great power, his political status was not high in the Khrushchev era and would not be a threat.

But Suslov probably did not expect that in order to get rid of the numerical advantages of Podgorne, Kosigin, Suslov and Serepin, Brezhnev later improved the political status of the leadership of the three major departments and directly led it, making these opponents of Brezhnev completely a decoration. From that time on, no one could oppose him, it was 1973.

Andropov and Suslov have a bad relationship, but Selov thinks that his relationship with Suslov is pretty good. Suslov has no gangs and is actually very easy to complement each other. Thinking of this, Selov decided to go to Suslov to hug his thighs, and that's it.

Serov, who was holding his thighs, must make some preparations. Are there such conditions? Yes, this objective condition exists, which is what Serov just talked with Brezhnev, and Western Soviet scholars. In this era, there was much greater propaganda on the demonization of the Soviet Union than in later generations to China. If Serov remembers correctly, later generations were mainly Chinese people promoting the theory of China's collapse. Serov faced a simpler situation. He wanted to find a large number of scholars who were hostile to the Soviet Union, and there was no need to specifically select Russians.

"Our main work direction is to produce a slander that our people can see at a glance, and ordinary Western people will be happy to see it. With the support of big data, these slanders are embedded in it. The final conclusion must be that the Soviet Union is struggling, and Western Europe opposite us will be fine as long as we wait for the Soviet Union to reform itself! The fake propaganda department will give me an outline first. This kind of thing must be approved by our Secretary Suslov, otherwise we will really have trouble!" Serov said to the top leader of the fake propaganda department of the Second General Administration.

"Does it mean that it is full of obvious lies? I understand, Chairman!" The Minister of the Fake Propaganda Department nodded to express his understanding.

The obvious lies are KGB term, meaning to spread rumors that the intention of attacking the Soviets was very obvious. During the Khrushchev period, this term actually only serves as a term, but it will be different in a few years. Because the Khrushchev period was relatively relaxed in public opinion, the cultural circles attacked the Soviets appeared. So after Brezhnev came to power, he passed a resolution to make several additions to Article 190 of the Criminal Law: Spreading obvious lies that slander the Soviet state and social system in oral form, and creating works with the same content in writing, depriving them of less than three years of freedom, or transforming labor camps for one year, or fines of one hundred rubles;... punishing collective actors who organize and participate in the destruction of social systems.

What exactly is an obvious lie? What is a collective actor who destroys the social system? What I said does not count; what the lawyer says does not count; even what the judge says does not count. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union handed over the right to interpret the interpretation to its most precious organ, the Soviet National Security Committee, and asked national security cadres to explain the law.

A few days later, Selov took the report to Suslov's home and began to complete his first step of hugging his thighs.
Chapter completed!