It is really an alternative tradition. Do you have to live like the enemy if you defeat the enemy? This question is different from one's own opinion. Members of the religious committee who are familiar with various religious scriptures in a priest's robe are doing the work of these religious figures. In Selov's opinion, it is very good, and it cannot be better.

After inspecting these members of the Religious Affairs Committee in the evening, Selov changed to the KGB Chairman Xie Lieping to propose to establish a Religious Affairs Office in the General Administration of Foreign Intelligence, becoming a department at the same level as the general bureau, specializing in dealing with various foreign religious figures and opening the way for the work of the First General Administration around the world. This process also requires Selov to analyze and persuade, which is of course not a problem. The most he has done in the past few years is to persuade Xie Lieping.

Given the glorious history of the KGB, several leaders of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, including Yagoda, Yerov and Belia, were killed. The deaths of these predecessors gave Selov sufficient materials to know what to do and what to do to save his life. In particular, the material they obtained was that they should never hope to gain a good reputation after joining the KGB work.

Yagoda, Yerov and Belia, except for Yerov in the middle who can be called killing without blinking, both Yagoda and Belia behind him try to avoid involvement in the innocent when executing Stalin's orders. But this is the order. Both of them cannot resist the General Secretary's orders. Not all the General Secretary is Stalin, and Stalin is not an ordinary General Secretary. This can be seen from Beria's attitude before and after facing Khrushchev.

The lesson of the deaths of the three predecessors told Serov that they should not be kind when they are unnecessary. Yagoda was taken away because of his orders to fight Stalin secretly, and Belia's problem was even more serious. Before being removed by Malenkov and Khrushchev, the work they were doing was to limit the huge power of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. This lesson taught Serov was particularly serious. Now even the remnants of Belia like Alyksai think that their boss' behavior was very undesirable.

One month before Beria was killed, Beria began to plan measures to reform the national security system and implemented it in a short period of time. The content firstly was to transfer various "production, operation and construction units" of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which had a large scale and great power to various economic ministries and commissions. In the month after Stalin's death, nearly thirty such large units were transferred, including the Far East Construction Bureau, the General Administration of Special Petroleum Industry Construction, the General Administration of Highways, the General Administration of Railway Construction, the General Administration of Forestry Industry, etc. Later, due to Beria's proposal, the huge labor reform camp and the General Administration of the Retirement Homes and its branches were handed over to the Ministry of Justice. The Ministry of Internal Affairs only retained special camps that detained "specially dangerous state criminals" and military criminal camps that detained prisoners of war.

A few days ago, Aliksai told Selov that compared with the KGB overseas enterprises he worked hard to run around the world, the companies under the Ministry of Internal Affairs were more profitable and larger in scale. Forestry and oil industries had many internal affairs. Now some of Selov's actions were only to restore some of the functions of Beria's subordinates in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. At that time, even the nuclear industry was led by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The strength of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Belia era was far greater than that of the current. The KGB that re-merged the Ministry of Internal Affairs was not only a shadow of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. It was not enough to use this institution to make people dare not deal with him.

"At the beginning, we thought that after the death of the General Secretary, Khrushchev and Malenkov were not their opponents at all. At the same time, some cases in the era of General Secretary Stalin did have bad influence, and the reputation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was really too bad. Therefore, we started to restrict the departments he controlled. Unexpectedly, this kind of action of proactively expressing collective leadership became the fuse to be eliminated." Aliksai's advice often sounded in Selov's ears, "Yuri, the KGB's scope of work can only become larger and larger, and it must not be narrowed. If you can be financially independent, you cannot be financially independent. You cannot hand over the profitable enterprises in your hands like our boss."

These words touched Selov quite a lot. It seemed that Beria was still soft-hearted in the end and was willing to change the bad reputation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. She released many rights belonging to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. However, because of the first time she underestimated the enemy, she paid the price of her life. The continuous killing of the predecessors gave Selov enough experience and lessons to ensure his own interests. We must firmly control the KGB. The huge enterprise and independent judicial power of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Berian era were unable to take it back. There was no progress in the country for the time being, so we could only think of solutions from abroad.

Beria's authority can be reflected in one thing, a few months before his arrest. In one sentence, Ignatiev, the then Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, former Minister of State Security, and Liu Ming were dismissed and arrested. Can Xie Lieping now arrest the Central Secretary? Kozlov is the Central Secretary, and he is the immediate superior of Xie Lieping and others. Even if Xie Lieping wants to deal with Gruu, he must inform Khrushchev. The KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs seem to be almost the same in 1960, but in fact, it is still far from the eyes of Aliksai and others.

"You have established a KGB surveillance network in enterprises across the country, which seems to be bigger than we were at that time, but in fact, the KGB only has the right to supervise. Many of the internal affairs companies at that time were ours, and all profits were ours. Even if the country did not give a penny to our internal affairs, we could maintain our own organization. When can you support all the KGB staff without spending a penny from the country, and you have the initial ability to protect yourself. At that time, what you need to be careful about is not the pressure of political means. Take our boss as the lesson, be careful not to be assassinated by the opponent suddenly." This is Aliksai's advice, don't underestimate the enemy like Beria.

Finance must be independent, and power must seize every opportunity to gather it in hand. What made Selov think the most was that Aliksai said that besides his subordinates, Beria seemed to have a special consulting agency. This means something similar to the shadow cabinet, but in the end, because he was killed himself, the agency did not play a role.

After receiving Xie Lieping's approval, a new department appeared in the work of the First General Administration, which specializes in dealing with religions around the world. This department has never appeared in the First General Administration in Selov's memory, which is a breakthrough.

"The first secretary has been asking me if the KGB scale can be smaller, and you are constantly expanding our department, which makes me very embarrassed!" Xie Lieping, who agreed with Serov's suggestion, was also helpless. On the one hand, he knew that Serov's proposal was for the development of the KGB, and on the other hand, he was also under pressure from Khrushchev, feeling quite angry.

"Is it work? This department is needed for the work in the Middle East and many places. After all, the local religious forces are quite large. If you don't understand the enemy, how can you defeat the enemy?" Selov said seriously. "In my opinion, the First General Administration should have such a department long ago. It's a pity that the Religious Affairs Committee only deals with domestic problems. It should play a greater role..."

"You are right. We are an offensive department in the final analysis!" Xie Lieping agreed very much, and then he talked about another question. "A lot of representatives of the allied countries will arrive tomorrow. You can go and receive them. Before the 81 countries' Communist Party and Workers' Party Congress, we will handle our intelligence field. Then we will be busy..."

"I understand!" Selov brought the big brimmed hat, and the real busy things were still to come. This time, there were much more people in the world than last time, and more than 20 parties were added. Only more than 60 countries participated in the last meeting. However, it seems that this is also the last meeting. If Selov remembers correctly, there will be no Communist and Workers' Party Congress worldwide after the split between China and the Soviet Union. The so-called World Congress later cannot be compared with the current conference held by the Soviet Union. Usually, there are fifty or sixty parties, and the total number is less than 200. It is impossible to compare with the size of a party that is a huge delegation.

Two days later, Selov received the intelligence officers of the allies on behalf of the Soviet National Security Council, including old friends such as Ilissku, Korzinski, Marcus, and Lasak. Kapethot, the new director of the Security Bureau of Czechoslovakia, is also a welcome figure by Selov. Among the so-called Warsaw Pact allies in the Soviet Union, the only ones that can really share the pressure slightly may be the only two countries, Democratic Germany and Czechoslovakia, and other countries are really not very good in industry. There is no need to mention children with such problems as Poland, except for the population, there is no such thing as Poland, and there is no place in the Warsaw Pact. Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, these countries, are hard to say whether it is a support or a drag.

It’s not that Selov was prejudiced to Poland, and that he was loyal to the Soviet Union and Bulgaria, in terms of spiritual outlook, Romania, in terms of industrial scale, Democratic Germany and Czechoslovakia, he thought for half a year but did not think of what Poland could help the Soviet Union. Perhaps the tens of millions of people were still useful.

With the dark purpose of using the intelligence system to control these countries, Selov suddenly found that he was playing the role he despised most, actively trying to win over his colleagues from these allies, and rushing to raise them with blood. Most of the security cadres of the KGB have returned to their posts. This time, they don’t have to go to the cinema when they have a meeting with the intelligence departments of the Warsaw Pact allies. They don’t even have to move the KGB auditorium, but they just find a large conference room at No. 11, Ruby Yangka Square to start. (To be continued.)
Chapter completed!