"This is the plan of the KGB in relation to the security and defense plan during the conference." Selov told Khrushchev the decision of the Central Presidium of the KGB in a script and waited for instructions. Usually in this case, Khrushchev should put forward some of his own opinions, not because of how clever these opinions were, but because it showed that Khrushchev was very concerned about the work of the KGB.

But today's exception is that Khrushchev obviously has no leisure. This 81-country Congress of the Communist Party and Workers' Party is an opportunity, and it is also a challenge. The challenge comes from the same socialist power, the country in the east of the Soviet Union. In recent years, Khrushchev has increasingly felt that the Eastern powers and the Soviet Union are in a dangerous stage. This is not the first time he has seen this stage, that is, the stage before the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia split. Although the reasons are slightly different, there is no difference in trends.

"Yuri, sit down! You are the most successful cadre of the KGB in the past ten years. People say you are a comrade who can see the international context clearly. How do you think our relationship with China will develop? Actually, what I don't understand is, am I not friendly enough to the Chinese?" Khrushchev asked with some distress. On many private occasions, Khrushchev had talked with many comrades about the East, but he had never had a clear answer.

The problem is that you are too good to China. A mature politician will not do this. You have to do it again from India. Since the first secretary showed some fragility at this time, Selov did not mind being a guest in the center of power in the Soviet Union, but he would never take the initiative to speak on China's issue. The first secretary answered when he asked him, and shut up if he didn't ask him.

"We are friendly enough, but our two countries seem to have different attitudes towards the revolutionary attitudes towards the whole world. For now, this is the biggest problem. According to the First General Administration's remarks on Eastern countries, we can summarize a few points. Since the 20th National Congress, our analysis of Stalin's issue has become more and more serious. If my estimate is correct, the matter will focus on attacking the Soviet Union's Laozi Party, and the problem will be responsible for us to control Eastern Europe." Selov said while thinking, "There is also the easing attitude of attacking the Soviet Union and the United States and the revisionist issue. Because of the U2 reconnaissance aircraft incident, this matter will become our pain feet..."

Selov did not obviously lean towards any angle. Especially the later revisionist issue, in his opinion, it was a nonsense issue. Do you really think that the middle-aged scholars in later generations were just talking about it? Now the Soviet Union has eased and some reforms, and China in later generations has done it, and it has taken a step further than anyone else.

Generally speaking, Khrushchev would not hear any valuable discussion, usually he was saying. Other Soviet leaders were implementing it. This situation has become more and more serious since this year, with less and less valuable discussions. Occasionally, Serov, who is not even the Central Committee, has seriously analyzed the problem, which has made Khrushchev interested in listening.

"They can't understand why I want to ease. The Chinese are very fighting!" Khrushchev muttered dissatisfied.

"First Secretary, there is an obvious answer to this question. China has been established for eleven years. Think about what we were doing when we were established for eleven years? We were supporting the revolutionary force in southern China's northern expedition, right? At that time, our idea was to let proletarians all over the world have their own governments. Overthrow the corrupt and backward government." Selov said seriously, "We then participated in supporting the Spanish Civil War, and it was also our efforts to help the proletarian brothers. These things have happened very realistically, so it is easy to understand.

,The Soviet Union is now a mature country, China is a revolutionary country, our party is a ruling party, and the Chinese comrades are a revolutionary party. Their mentality is very simple and easy to understand. They believe that they can change the world, just as when our Soviet Union was first established, they believe that as a working-class country, as long as we go to Europe for a walk, the oppressed workers in Europe will welcome us like welcoming liberation, but in fact we are hindered in Warsaw. This situation has not been encountered by Chinese comrades..."

"Comrade First Secretary, most of our export revolutions have failed, but the greatest success is the success in the East, which is our greatest achievement." Selov quickly finished his analysis, and then sat aside and waited for Khrushchev's own considerations.

"Yes, this is the first time I have heard this kind of analysis. So China is also in our state before the Patriotic War?" Khrushchev heard this analysis of the ruling party and the revolutionary party for the first time. It was mainly because his intelligence leader compared the history of the two countries, which made Khrushchev easily understand the problem. By comparing the two examples, he understood Serov's analytical view, "But the Chinese have fallen into a very risky state, and the most intolerable attack on us..."

At least the Soviet Union no longer calls for the export of revolution, and the current investment in the export of revolution is similar to that of the Soviet Union. But when you think about comparing China's economy with the Soviet Union's economy, you will understand how huge China's investment in this regard is. Indonesia, Myanmar, Vietnam, the Philippines, and Malaya in Central and South Asia would not have persisted for so long without China's support. The current socialist movement is very good and has a great relationship with China, but the Soviet Union is not so enthusiastic.

"From the issue of exporting revolution, as the first vice chairman of the intelligence and security department, I must admit from my personal point of view that I appreciate the practices of Chinese comrades, especially the success of Indonesia, the largest country in Southeast Asia. But on the second question, the debate between us and China is very unwise, because the situation in each country is very different. The main force of our revolution is workers, while there are not many workers in Asia, but there are farmers everywhere." Selov replied again, "So every time we debate with the Chinese, we will each gain a group of supporters, which is actually unfavorable to us. If this matter is left to me..."

"What would you do?" Khrushchev was not begging Selov, but looking for a way to repel this round of offensive. As an intelligence leader who had removed many threats from the Soviet Union, some of Selov's ideas were of great reference significance.

Selov did not pretend to be a big-tailed wolf in front of the first secretary. According to Khrushchev's order, Selov put forward suggestions to resolve the offensive. "From the results of these debates, Chinese comrades said that we are conservative, and we believe that China is radical. The Warsaw Pact allies will attend the National Security and Public Security Conference next week. I will hold a meeting with the comrades of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Warsaw Pact countries, and first adopt a consistent attitude in this regard. Reporting the news and arguments of the Eastern comrades is a discerning attitude. With the cooperation of the Warsaw Pact countries, it is not difficult to achieve this. The situation of the Warsaw Pact countries is similar to our Soviet Union. The statements of the Eastern comrades cannot be attractive. As long as we guide them properly, it is not difficult to control!"

"Very good, I believe the KGB has this ability." Khrushchev nodded with satisfaction and continued to wait for other problems to be resolved.

"In addition, regarding the excessive authority of our party, we can grasp the weakness of the too heavy idealism of the Eastern comrades and shape the Eastern comrades into a country that has just been successful in the revolution and has not yet formed. For any attack on China, we must put our attitude higher and shape it into a revolutionary party that the Communist Party of the Soviet Union tolerate is immature." Serov stopped when he said this, "Actually, my solution is very simple. If we do not fight back against any Eastern comrades' views after doing the first two points, we will also win. Because the matter is very simple now. Compared with the two sides, the Soviet Union is strong, what we say makes sense. On the other hand, because their national strength is not strong, what we say cannot support their arguments even if it makes sense..."

"I didn't expect that you still have such a thorough view of this issue, but then again, when I visited the United States last time, you asked some predictions about problems before I went to China, and the facts proved that the predictions were correct." Khrushchev remembered his last trip to the United States. Selov mentioned some responses to problems before he went to China, and asked, "Then how long will the problem of China's excessive idealism last?"

"It will not change for at least ten years. During this period, exporting revolutionary liberating the world will be the mainstream idea of ​​Eastern comrades!" Selov said for a long time and then went around his work and talked about the work of the KGB. "This is not a threat to us. Sometimes, Chinese comrades can do a good job. Anyway, a new socialist country will still come to us, because our national strength is strong and we provide more technology and resources than China."

Of course, Khrushchev would not change his ideas just because of Selov's words, but this is the most sincere analysis he has heard in recent times, and he has taken measures to deal with criticisms such as Laozi and revisionism. Now Khrushchev only regards Selov's views and responses as a reference opinion. After all, he has not met with comrades in the East. Half a month later, Khrushchev really heard these criticisms and must be consistent with Selov's analysis and be able to deal with them quickly.

"Yuri, your analysis is very valuable. By the way, I have something to leave to you." Khrushchev whispered to Selov. Selov received the order stiffly. He now needs to find some time to remove Stalin's body. He was far away from the Kremlin and Selov sighed, "It's better for me to do it than be done by others, at least I respect him more..." (To be continued ~^~)
Chapter completed!