After taking the bus to the Kremlin, Selov immediately knew that his expectations were a little optimistic. The first secretary's spirit was a little bigger than he expected. At this time, it was obviously not suitable to enter the dispersed firepower, and it was not good to go back. Selov was in a dilemma.

To be fair, Khrushchev was just a little bit of a temper, at least he would not feel life-threatening. Selov decided to wait outside Khrushchev's office in the Great Kremlin. From time to time, he heard Khrushchev's sharp criticism coming from the office, and Khrushchev's voice came out without anything. It seems that in the face of Khrushchev's criticism, no one dared to refute. Are the members of the Central Presidium of our Great Soviet and the Central Committee so cowards?

Standing up and walking outside the building, Selov waved his hand and greeted a guard and asked, "Who has received the summons of the First Secretary in the Kremlin today?" The Kremlin garrison troops were trained by Selov after the failure of the Malenkov group. The guards were obviously not firm when Malenkov attacked and did not give the first secretary a sense of security. Therefore, the KGB Police General Administration, that is, the Ninth General Administration, was re-assessed. The defense force here is not a secret for Selov. No one knows how many KGB agents there are.

This garrison was from the KGB, which is why Semichasne could easily cut off Khrushchev's request for help. The coup was usually not successful in challenging the lower level. If Brezhnev and others wanted to win, it was impossible not to deal with the KGB. In history, Khrushchev was not without any chance of resistance. If Serov remembered correctly, the support of the Central Committee should be 46, and it was not without anyone who supported Khrushchev. Of course, this opportunity for resistance was extinguished by Semichasne.

"For more than an hour, Vice Chairman, Brezhnev, Marshal Negelin and Ustinov are there!" For his superiors, the garrison troops have their own headquarters, but the vice chairman of the KGB is still the chief officer for him, because the headquarters has no influence from asking for the KGB.

More than an hour? Selov was very surprised by Khrushchev's energy and asked the guards to return to his post. Selov still returned to Khrushchev's office and waited. Before he returned, he did not forget to smoke a cigarette, otherwise he would not be very comfortable inside.

"Yuri, come in!" Accompanied by Khrushchev's voice, Selov faced Brezhnev's cold face after entering. It was obvious that Khrushchev's accusations and humiliations were not something that ordinary people could endure.

"Comrade First Secretary, First Vice Chairman of the National Security Council, and Commander of the Inner Guards, Selov reported to you." Selov gave a very formal opening remark and saluted Khrushchev, "As a junior and a cadre who is not even a member of the Central Committee, I have a sentence that I want to remind the First Secretary..."

"Say..." It was obvious from Khrushchev's tone that his anger had not subsided, and his voice felt a hard feeling.

"Don't criticize other members of the Central Presidium in front of us young cadres, because it will damage the prestige of other cadres!" Selov's words made Brezhnev and others instantly change their color. They never dared to refute Khrushchev's words. Unexpectedly, Selov dared. Sure enough, Khrushchev said something that should be criticized for a long time, and pointed out that he was for the good of these cadres.

What are you afraid of? Selov doesn't understand what you are going to be afraid of, why is Brezhnev and others so afraid of Khrushchev? Was he scared by the Great Purge? Unfortunately, Selov has never experienced that kind of fear. Instead, some ignorant people are fearless, mainly due to the credit of history books. Khrushchev would not use such extreme means to deal with opponents, and Khrushchev was the most like a person among the Soviet leaders, and he would not dare to meet Stalin.

"Okay, let's talk about work, Yuri, why don't you stop Marshal Nejling's violation? Hum?" Khrushchev did not continue to accuse Brezhnev and the others, but just moved to Selov.

Isn't this a bad luck? Selov directly admitted it by exerting his usual strengths. "As the first vice chairman of the KGB present, I must admit that I have dereliction of duty, not me making excuses. Comrade Negelin is a marshal. I am a lieutenant general. When I am on the left, I should obey the orders of the marshal. Moreover, the relationship between the General Administration of Military Administration and the Red Army is already very bad. I do not want to have a conflict with a marshal. But after this explosion, I swear that there will never be similar situations in the future. No matter who the other party is, I must adhere to the relevant regulations..."

The idea I would like to say then cannot be told to Khrushchev, but Selov's neat admission of the mistake made Khrushchev stop blaming him and a young cadre who was more than thirty years younger than him. Khrushchev did not have much sense of accomplishment either.

"This is the national agricultural report, the investigation and verification results of the Second General Administration and the Fifth General Administration. This is the development plan of Liangzan Prefecture this year and my own solution to the meat supply." Selov took out various documents from the briefcase, temporarily solving the embarrassment of Brezhnev and others, which made Khrushchev ignore their time for the time being.

The Soviet Union's food problem has always been a shortcoming, and Khrushchev himself understood this more than anyone else, otherwise he would not have taken action on the agricultural issue first and made a joke about the corn movement. At least people understand that the problem is dared to solve it, unlike Brezhnev who knew to exchange oil for food. Thinking of this, Selov secretly glanced at Brezhnev. Khrushchev did not let them leave, but several people were waiting for the order here.

"These bastards!" Khrushchev threw the documents submitted by Serov on the table. Serov himself went to Ryazan and Kazakhstan, but he was not the only one working in the KGB. The Second General Administration and the Fifth General Administration simultaneously investigated agricultural issues across the country. How could Khrushchev not know that the Soviet corn movement had failed. The reclaimed wasteland was to solve the food problem, and the expansion of corn was mainly to solve the animal husbandry problem. If these two problems were solved, the Soviet family's meal table would be rich and the side food was sufficient. However, the lack of a more comprehensive and general investigation led to the easy-to-generate decision-making, which eventually led to the threat of the food rations of the Soviet people. This cannot be said to be a vivid explanation for the failure of the government and the complexity of the decision-making.

However, as far as Selov looked at it, there was another one that was angering Khrushchev, that is, as the first secretary, he did not understand the progress of the entire matter below. Many state party secretaries were concerned about catering to themselves but did not report the real situation to themselves. In the end, the first vice chairman of the KGB went down to find out the problem in person.

Selov must say this. When he arrived at Ryazan, he was just a low-ranking vice chairman. Khrushchev cursed indignantly for a long time, and words such as dismissal and judgment kept popping out of his mouth. Only Selov stood aside unconsciously and pretended that he didn't hear it. Anyway, he wasn't scolding himself.

"What about the awareness of the secretaries of the state party committees in various places? They deceived me, these bastards. I want to send them all to prison. If it were the Stalin era, they would all be shot!" Khrushchev's ups and downs showed how intense his mood was. The supreme leader of a superpower was deceived by the cadres below. This exceeded Khrushchev's own ability to bear it. "Yuri, why do you think this happens?"

"Does the Central Committee deceive the Central Committee?" Shelov, who has always appeared as a police leader and intelligence leader, said without thinking. "The judicial system is obviously a bit inconsistent with the rights of the franchise and state-level levels. The local government has too much power in the judicial system, making the central government unable to know the specific movements of local cadres. The solution is not without. The state-owned farms and factories in all parts of the country should have a central supervision force. When I was in Azerbaijan, my direct superior was Xiemichasne, the second secretary in charge of security work. He set up a second secretary among the district party committee-level enterprises and directly responsible for the central government. He reported what happened to the local KGB anytime and anywhere, ensuring that our surveillance of enterprises across the country and preventing the possibility of local blindness to the central government."

"Okay, that's it! Set up a second secretary who is specifically responsible for the KGB in factories and farms at the district committee level across the country to ensure that the central government always understands the local movements and situations!" Khrushchev agreed without thinking.

This made Brezhnev and Ustinov's faces change drastically. This is equivalent to the fact that all enterprises across the country are under the KGB's surveillance range, but neither of them said to stop them when they saw the two of them. Shelov was a little surprised. Isn't this something that the Soviet Union itself has? Why do they seem to see a flood?

Serov forgot one thing, that is, it is 1960, when all the Soviet enterprises all over the country had security cadres responsible for the KGB. It was after Andropov became the supreme leader of the Soviet Union. After taking office, Andropov expanded the KGB's surveillance of local enterprises in order to strengthen his control over local areas. Even the Ministry of Internal Affairs during the Beria period did not have such monitoring of state-owned enterprises across the country. Serov had an illusion that he believed that the decision to let the KGB monitor enterprises was adopted because of the corn movement in the Khrushchev era, which was not actually the case.

Brezhnev and Ustinov looked at each other, feeling that after Khrushchev calmed down, he would find an opportunity to persuade Khrushchev and ask the first secretary to take back this huge order.
Chapter completed!