Life is not a novel, and it is always exciting. If Serov and Reagan are two ordinary people, they can make trouble for each other at any time, but as leaders of the two countries, they are different. The country has the ability to withstand it, but because of the differences in national strength, the country will fight every day without fighting gangsters.

Looking back now, the Soviet Union has already caused a lot of trouble in the United States this year. To be fair, Selov feels that it is only one step away from victory. The more important it is, the more steady the pace should be. Don't be too hasty. It's just right to stop now.

"This storm still needs to ferment. We wait for a year before making moves. The country must deal with the United States with the strongest attitude!" Selov, who had been thinking for a long time, nodded and asked, "Comrade Jihonov is very old. How about you succeed him as the chairman of the Council of Ministers?"

"Sometimes, if you miss the opportunity, you will always miss it. Maybe I don't have the luck to enter the central government." Shelbizky shook his head slightly, as if he had seen everything. "I'm seventy years old, why are you going to grab? I'm not necessarily in good health than Jihonov. Do you want to hold a state funeral every year?"

Serbizky clearly rejected the position of chairman of the Council of Ministers. He had the opportunity to be the last candidate for General Secretary, but he could not pose a threat to Andropov, who had the moon first. There are only one chances in a person's life. Missing is forever missed, and no matter how much he thinks about it, it cannot be remedy.

"I should indeed promote some reliable young cadres to do things. Chebrikov and Bobkov's age cannot guarantee health. When people get old, everything may happen." Serov has always adopted a conservative treatment attitude towards the political institutions of the Soviet Union, breaking the ice at the level of the Central Committee first, but not making a big move against the highest-level Central Presidium.

Shelbitsky did not respond. This was the responsibility of the General Secretary. He could only listen to it by his side, and he could not control no matter how he adjusted it.

"In view of the importance of working class security and the renewal of new generations of cadres, I think Comrade Yanayev is qualified to join the Central Presidium, which also shows the country's emphasis on the treatment of the working class."

After returning to Moscow, Selov immediately began to adjust his cadres, and beyond everyone's expectations, promoted Yanayev, chairman of the Central Council of the Soviet Union. Yanayev was born in 1937 and was fifty-one this year. Among the current Central Presidium of the Soviet Union, the age is the youngest, even younger than Leizhkov promoted by Andropov.

"I have no problem with Comrade Yanayev's adjustment. Our Soviet Union is the motherland of the working class, and the treatment of workers should be the top priority." Grishen, the first secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee, nodded in agreement. Before he became the first secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee, he was the chairman of the Central Council of the Soviet Union and had certain feelings for that department.

If we follow history, Serepin should have been thrown to the Central Council of the Soviet Union by Brezhnev and then retired in the game. Now, Yanayev, as the chairman of the Central Council, has also entered Serov's sight.

Selov has his own evaluation of Yanayev. He doesn't know whether this person is a magnanimous person, but he is definitely the defender of the unity of a country. After Gorbachev came to power, he attacked three groups in just a few years. The first one should be Selbitsky and Kunayev's Dnepro gang.

In the first round of the confrontation, the power left by Brezhnev is still there. If the chairman of the Central Ministerial Council, Jihonov, is more responsible, with Ukraine's Serbitsky and Kazakh's Kunaev, and Grishin and Romanov as foreign players, it is likely to curb Gorbachev's misconduct.

The second round was the confrontation between the second secretary Ligachev and Gorbachev with the support of the Leninists. Gorbachev's victory again had basically completed control of the entire Soviet Union. At the same time, a group of politicians like Yeltsin were brought into the center of Soviet rights.

By the time of Yanayev, it was actually no longer a confrontation between the hardliners and the surrenderists. Yanayev, Klyuchkov, and Yazov's state of emergency committee fought hard, completely to maintain the unity of the Soviet Union.

"At least Yanayev will not intentionally do things that are unfavorable to the country. Let's just make do with it first." If Selov had any dissatisfaction, it might be Yanayev's indecisive side. At the beginning, he should have followed the advice of KGB Chairman Klyuchkov and adopted a tough policy to kill him directly.

Regarding the coup leader with the strongest lineup in history, why did the leader come out of such an amateur coup? Selov is unwilling to think too much about it. It is too embarrassing. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Semichasne, who was still alive, once evaluated the clumsiness of the entire August 19 coup, which was completely incomparable to Brezhnev and Serepin's operations that allowed Khrushchev to step down.

"I will do my best to do my job well! As a guardian of socialism, I will do my work day and night and complete the tasks assigned by the central government." Yanayev, who has entered the presidium of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, gave such an opening remark.

"In the future, the Chairman of the Central Council will work in the name of the Central Presidium. Our country's care for the working class must be expressed in a political position."

After Yanayev finished his speech, Selov summed up and told other members of the Central Presidium that it would become a routine for the Chairman of the Central Council of the Soviet Union to join the Central Presidium of the Soviet Union. He would no longer use a member of the Central Committee to do trade union work.

In the evening news, Yanayev's resume officially appeared on TV, and then the Communist Youth League published an editorial, indicating that the country's concern for the life of the working class further. It affirmed the importance of trade union work in terms of attitude.

According to this adjustment, all the franchise republics of the Soviet Union, all the prefecture committees, municipal committees, collective farms, and enterprise groups must make adjustments to allow trade union leaders to officially enter the leadership of various places. This is a major adjustment. If only Yanayev is promoted and cadres in various places have not moved, it is equivalent to building a house without laying a foundation. Yanayev's work is still difficult to carry out, and he is in an embarrassing state of no soldiers under his command.

It can be said that the rights given to Yanayev by Selov this time were greater than those he had achieved in history. In the August 19th incident, Yanayev was not a leader and reserved for the support of Klyuchkov who actually proposed a coup. He looked forward and did not kill him to calm the incident.

Many people think that Gorbachev is in a desperate situation after August 19th, which is actually a rather misunderstanding. If Gorbachev is really weak, there is no need for Yeltsin to make such huge concessions to joining the republic. Despite this, Yanayev and others did not obtain these powers from beginning to end, and they could only obtain these powers indirectly by kidnapping Gorbachev. However, Gorbachev neither agreed nor was killed, so they had no power.

Of course, Gorbachev couldn't believe the people's hearts that had been welcomed by decades of construction of the Soviet Union, and directly gave the rights to Yeltsin. Is this manifestation of being greedy for life and fear of death? That is another question.

In short, from today on, the Soviet Union's trade union organization will become a real power unit in the future and will no longer be politically dispensable, and will become a convention in the future.

"From any time, I can say that the socialist system is of course more superior than the capitalist system. We are just a country that has been established for 60 years, and there has been no war in the Americas for more than a hundred years. The Soviet Union and the United States have no way to compare with the external environment. Not to mention the strength of the country now, even the comparison in the 1970s can prove that our system is better than the United States. The basic condition for a country's development is security, and only with a safe environment will it develop well. I have never heard of a country that is fighting civil wars in China every day will develop well."

This is the villa area of ​​the KGB. Today, Selov went home to rest after get off work. There is no mandatory regulation on whether the General Secretary must live in the Kremlin. If he doesn't want to stay, he can go home after get off work. Boris, who just returned from Federal Germany, is also receiving teachings.

"That is to say, what we lack is only time!" Boris put his son in his wife's arms and talked to his father about his experience in Federal Germany. "In fact, many German parties have similar opinions to ours."

"Don't mention the reformists of the Second International. You should see many people with the Middle East in the Federal Republic of Germany?" Selov smiled and said, "I know why there is a saying in the religious field that heretics hate more than pagans? This kind of party that confuses us with socialist propositions, but in fact, the reformists will cause greater harm. ** will never let those refugees come in, but those social parties did this at that time. Do you still use diversity as an excuse to know how to deal with Europeans?"

Boris acted as if he was listening and how to dig a hole to let the enemy fall down by himself. He believed that there was no more professional person in the world than his father. How to break the most difficult balance, that is, the European front line where millions of troops confronted each other, and he didn't know what his father could do.

"The key to our success is that those socialists, who first need to be in chaos in the Middle East, triggering trouble for peacemakers who have already made up in Europe, so Saudi Arabia is useful." Shelov yawned and suddenly looked at his son and daughter-in-law and said, "You should have a few more children. Our housing allocation is linked to the family population."
Chapter completed!